CCHA, Historical Studies, 70 (2004), 71_93
Kodak Catholicism: Miraculous Photography and its
Significance at a Post Conciliar
Marian Apparition Site in Canada
Jessy C. PAGLIAROLI
There are
many people who feel that the ability to maintain an enchanted religious
worldview has become increasingly difficult for American and Canadian Catholics
in the years following the Second Vatican Council. Proponents of this view have
often pointed to three different factors to support their claim. These include
the notion that heightened diabolical activity from Satan and his minions is
luring people away from knowing and perceiving the action of God's grace in
their life; that living in a predominantly secular and materialistic culture
has devalued the mystical and the merits of religion; and lastly, that the
modernization of the Catholic Church, mainly as a result of the reforms of the
Second Vatican council, has made it increasingly difficult for people to
perceive the propinquity of the sacred within the Church. Those who note the
last factor, often suggest that architectural changes, the use of the
vernacular language, and the gradual suppression of paraliturgical activities
and personal sacramental objects such as rosaries, scapulars, religious medals,
and so forth, has functioned to deemphasize the immediacy of the supernatural
within Catholicism.[1]
While
Catholicism may seem less mysterious and enchanted to certain church going
Catholics, especially those born before Vatican II, there exists, beyond the
walls of the parish church and outside of standard liturgical celebrations, a
Catholic culture made up of different movements that is driven by a desire to
re_awaken what it perceives is a lost sense of the sacred in the modern world.[2] While this desire to proclaim the presence of God in
secular society is expressed in a variety of ways by different groups, it is
the Marian cult and popular Marian devotion above all other expressions of
post_Conciliar Catholicism which most actively uses signs and wonders to
safeguard against the challenges of the modern age, affirm the reality and
immanence of the divine, and promote the efficacy of its ritual practices and
beliefs.[3] Moreover, given the stress popular Marian devotion
places on direct religious experiences and tangible expressions of the sacred,
it is not surprising that images believed to be in some way an expression of
divine presence and power form an important component of Marian popular piety.
During the
pontificate of John Paul II, a revival of Marian devotion has occurred within
Catholicism.[4] This revival has been accompanied by an increase in
reports and claims of images deemed by some to be of miraculous character.[5] This resurgence is not simply due to an upsurge in
reports of icons and religious objects weeping, bleeding, and becoming
animated, or of divine figures suddenly appearing in material matter, it is
also the result of an emerging folk religious practice “...that uses
photography to document miraculous phenomena, produce signs of the
supernatural, and create sacred images.”[6]6
“Miraculous
photography” or the photographic documentation of paranormal phenomena is a
technological innovation on previous Catholic traditions of miraculous images
that has grown in popularity and prominence during the post_Conciliar period
largely as a result of the wider availability of photographic cameras and the
dramatic increase in the number of Marian apparition sites.[7] Despite the increased importance of miraculous
photography at the level of contemporary Catholic piety, this topic has been
given minimal attention by scholars of religion. The most noteworthy exceptions
are Paolo Apolito’s consideration found in his book dealing with the
apparitions of the Virgin Mary at Oliveto Citra, Italy and Daniel Wojcik’s
article found in the 1996 issue of the Journal of American Folklore.[8] Of these two works, it is Wojcik’s account,
“Polaroids from Heaven,” which provides the reader with the most information
concerning the history of miraculous photography and the meaning of picture
miracles for Catholic believers. Wojcik’s essay, however, only focuses on how
certain members of a non_conformist Marian cult, namely, Veronica Leuken’s
Bayside, New York movement understand and utilize miraculous photography.[9] Accordingly, his work does not adequately demonstrate
the various ways picture miracles function and are understood at the level of
more mainstream Catholic piety.
In contrast,
Paolo Apolito’s research reports on the use of miraculous photographs among
less deviant Catholics. However, one of the major points he raises in his
analysis, mainly his claim that the use of photographic technology to document
supernatural phenomena is a “modern version of magical constraint,”[10] is debatable and certainly contrary to this study’s
ethnographic findings.[11] Furthermore, both Apolito and Wojcik fail to consider
adequately the negative effects and associations of miraculous photography
among Catholics. Thus, the double_sided nature of miraculous photography is not
sufficiently discussed by either author.
This paper
will address the principal limitations of these and other scholarly works in
the hope of providing a more developed and accurate understanding of miraculous
photography and its role and significance in Catholic popular piety. In
particular, this study will trace the antecedents of contemporary miraculous
photography, classify the various types of photographs believed to be of
supernatural origin, and provide a more critical understanding of the way these
photographs function and are experienced by Canadian Catholics and Catholics in
general.
In
addressing these issues, this study will draw information from various written
sources as well as from ethnographic research gathered from devotees of the
Marmora, Ontario, Canada apparitions – a contemporary Catholic Marian movement
that is closely wedded to a “church_approved apparitional tradition”[12] and thus more indicative of popular Catholic piety.[13] While the apparition events which began at John and
Shelagh Greensides’ farm in 1992, and which continue to occur, have not
garnered as much public attention or as many supporters as other post_Vatican
II apparition sites such as Medjugorje, Bosnia_Hercegovina, or Conyers,
Georgia, it has been the focal point of noteworthy regional and trans_national
Catholic attention and influence.[14] Moreover, since the inception of the Virgin Mary’s
alleged appearances at the Greensides’ farm, the white blaze of camera flashes
and the clicking sound of camera shutters has become a familiar sight and sound
for pilgrims who have travelled and continue to travel to this place of
pilgrimage.
Although the
use of the photographic process to document supernatural phenomenon has become
an important component of the Marian pilgrimage and religious experience for
many Catholics both in Canada as well as abroad, it is nineteenth_century
Spiritualists that were the first group to widely adopt photographic technology
with the hope of trying to reveal and document a transcendent realm.[15] In 1855, sixteen years after the advent of modem
photography,[16] the first recorded examples of supernatural
photography were claimed.[17] These photographs contained extra materializations,
often in the form of white markings. In more exceptional instances, these white
markings resembled the shape of human figures. These extra markings on the
photographs were interpreted as souls of the dead and were promoted in
Spiritualist publications as evidence of the continuation of life after death.[18] Shortly after the publication of these and other
“spirit photographs,” the adoption of the photographic process by
Spiritualists to promote their own ideological concerns became more
widespread.[19] Photo studios specializing in taking pictures of
deceased spirits were opened and became increasingly popular at the turn of the
nineteenth century.[20] Besides using conventional photographic methods to
take spirit pictures of dead family member and friends, Spiritualists also
introduced two new photographic innovations; thoughtography – a technique that
involves psychically impressing images directly onto a film plate, film, or
printing paper; and “psychography” – a form of spirit communication that
involves receiving symbolic messages from deceased people on a photographic
surface.[21]
With regard
to the experience of “supernatural” photography in Canada specifically, it is
likely that the earliest examples of spirit photographs to be witnessed by
Canadians originated from abroad, particularly from Spiritualist publications
and photographic journals published in both Britain and the United States.[22] Although the roots of the modem Spiritualist
movement can be traced to Canada,[23] initial interest in this religion as well as the
practice of spirit photography was greater and much more pronounced in America
and Britain. Thus, it is not surprising that foreign magazines and journals
contained the earliest examples of “spirit photographs” and articles on this
subject. Besides written publications, those living north of the American
border interested in psychic matters in the mid to late nineteenth century
would have gained knowledge of Spiritualist doctrines and been informed of the
latest developments of this movement by travelling Spiritualist mediums and
lecturers, by local elected officers and mediums at smaller Spiritualist
society gatherings (private circle meetings) and at larger scale, but much less
frequently occurring, Spiritualist conventions and camp site meetings.[24]
One location
of particular importance for the promotion of Spiritualism and spirit
photography, both in the nineteenth century as well as today, is the Lily Dale
Assembly located in South Western New York State.[25] Originally called the Cassadaga Free Lake
Association, “Lily Dale” is proclaimed to be the “world’s largest centre for
the religion of Spiritualism” and has been visited regularly by Spiritualists
since its inception in 1879.[26] Moreover, this popular Spiritualist centre was one of
the first places in North America to operate a photo studio specializing in
photographing the spirits of the deceased. In fact, one of the earliest
documented examples of a spirit photograph involving a Canadian subject was
presumably taken at Lily Dale sometime in the late nineteenth or very early
twentieth century.[27]
This
documented incident is found in James Coates 1911 book entitled, Photographing
the Invisible: Practical Studies in Spirit Photography, Spirit Portraiture and
other Rare but allied Phenomena. In this work, Coates describes a variety
of different accounts concerning the alleged production of non fraudulent
spirit photographs and related manifestations in order to convince his audience
that they have been either “...produced by the operation of Intelligences in the
Invisible ... or (that) man possesses psychic faculties and powers
which have not yet received the attention they demand.”[28] Among the accounts
cited by Coates to defend his thesis is the story of Ruthven Macdonald, a Methodist
from Toronto, Ontario. According to Coates, Ruthven was a baritone soloist who
accepted an engagement to sing at the Lily Dale Assembly. While there, the
singer, purportedly acting out of curiosity, selected a spirit photographer to
have his portrait taken. Upon completion of the portrait, a bizarre photograph
was developed that contained an image of a human figure standing behind Mr.
Macdonald holding up a hand with two recognizable thumbs. This image reportedly
disturbed and deeply embarrassed the baritone soloist causing him to exclaim,
“Destroy that! Why that is my mother! She had two thumbs on one hand.”[29] The author
concludes this tale by stating that the spirit photograph in question, along
with other forms of mediumship experienced by Ruthven Macdonald, caused him to
become “...a convert to Spiritualism and an ardent advocate of its teachings.”[30]
Although supernatural photography was a
component of early Canadian Spiritualist activity, the scant historical record
on this subject matter makes it difficult to measure the extent to which
Spiritualists in Canada were informed or motivated by spirit photography. That
said, some scholars believe that the initial popularity of the services offered
by Spiritualists was likely due to a lack of knowledge of the photographic
process at the time. Ignorance with regard to how easily photographs could be
doctored, either intentionally or unintentionally, may have inspired some
people to look to spiritual and unnatural causes as a means to explain the
extra_ordinary character of a photograph.[31] However, it is also
important to note that people both within and outside the Spiritualist movement
were quick to challenge the veracity of spirit photographs. The literature from
the period indicates that individuals more sceptically inclined, as well as
those knowledgeable of photography, publicized the various ways the
photographic process could be manipulated to create false impressions.[32] These and other
challenges to the photographic process caused nineteenth_century Spiritualists
to become much more guarded in their acceptance and promotion of spirit
photography. This shift in attitude was certainly evident in writings published
by Spiritualists as early as the mid 1870s. During this period, Spiritualists
demonstrated that they were making a conscious effort to distinguish between
genuine and fraudulent spirit photographs.[33] The author of an
article published in a Spiritualist magazine in 1874, for example, goes to great
lengths to prove the authenticity of photographs purportedly taken of ghosts at
a séance. Not only does the author detail the conditions under which the
photographs were produced, he also provides a long_winded description of the
moral character and reputation of the person who took the photographs so as to
repel any claims that the “ghost pictures” were impostures.[34]
Since the nineteenth century, the
popularity of spirit photography has waxed and waned.[35] Despite these
fluctuations in interest, as well as criticisms from various camps concerning
the relative ease by which photographs can be doctored, photographic technology
continues to be viewed and utilised as a means to reveal the existence of a
transcendent realm. In fact, almost every photographic technique from the wet
plate, to x_ray, and now to digital technology, has been used to create “supernatural
photographs.[36] This is largely
due to the widely held view that photography is a tool that can effectively and
efficiently document and preserve images of reality. Given the perceived
ability of photography to carry out this function, it is not surprising that it
continues to be employed by various people and groups to verify that which is
typically not visible.[37]
With regard to miraculous photographs that
are specifically Christian in theme, it appears that the oldest known
photograph that is purported to be a depiction of a supernatural Christian
presence is of Canadian origin. This image predates the previous oldest
recorded miraculous Christian photograph found in the literature by over
twenty_five years.[38] It was taken by
T.B. Hayward on 24 June 1905, approximately five years after the first mass
marketed camera, the “Brownie,” was introduced by the Eastman Kodak Company.[39] The photograph in
question depicts what many people believe is a clear picture of a wondrous
iceberg showing the figure of the Virgin Mary in the narrows off the coast of
St. John’s, Newfoundland (see image 1).[40] While it is
unknown how closely Hayward’s print resembles the original iceberg, the favourable
reaction to the frozen statue by Michael Francis Howley, the Catholic
Archbishop in office at the time the event occurred, indicates that Hayward's
photograph is probably a close representation of the event. In fact, the Archbishop
was so impressed by the extraordinary iceberg, something he undoubtedly
perceived to be a hierophany, that he composed a sonnet in honour of the
frozen statue entitled “Our Lady of the Fjords.” In the poem, he refers to the
glistening ice figure that mysteriously appeared in 1905 as “a shimmering
shrine – our bright Atlantic Lourdes.[41]
Image 1. "Our Lady of the Fjords" Photograph taken by T. B.
Hayward Photo Credit: The Newfoundland Quarterly, LXXXVI, no. 2. (1980)
In addition to the Our Lady of the Fjords
photograph, there are other examples of Christian miraculous photographs that
predate the popular folk practice of taking picture miracles at apparition
sites. Although it is difficult to pin point an exact date, the practice of
bringing a camera to a Marian pilgrimage site in the hope of documenting the supernatural
does not become prevalent among Catholics until the second half of the
twentieth century – a time when photographic cameras were more commonly used by
Marian devotees and members of the general populace.[42] While there are
some examples of miraculous photographs taken at apparition sites as early as
the 1930s,[43] the earliest and
most significant example that demonstrates photography playing an important
role among Marian devotees at a widely recognized apparition event is related
to the apparitions that took place at San Sebastian de Garabandal, Spain
between 1960 and 1965.[44]
The “Garabandal” Marian apparitions
continue to have ardent supporters from different parts of the globe,
including Canada. This despite the fact that the apparitions were the subject
of a negative decision by the local bishop with regard to their supernatural
origin.[45] The continued
popularity of the Garabandal apparitions is partly a result of the paranormal
activities that have been witnessed by various people. This not only includes
those people who observed the paranormal activity at the apparition site, but
also those who saw the events captured on still photographs and on video after
they had been publicized throughout the world. The most well known of these
documented events is the so-called “little miracle” that occurred on 18 July
1962.[46] The “little
miracle” photograph is said to depict the visionary Conchita Gonzalez receiving
the Eucharist on her tongue from an invisible angel. People who accept the
veracity of the Garabandal apparitions tend to believe that photographic and
film cameras captured this miracle occurring. In fact, it was a still
photograph of the “little miracle” that convinced Conchita’s mother that her
daughter was not lying about her visions.[47] Today, the
photographic record of the “little miracle” has not only become a religious
icon and a sacred souvenir, it also continues to figure prominently in the
lives of those people who continue to argue for the authenticity of the event.[48]
At Garabandal, there is no doubt that
photography was an important part of bringing international attention to the
apparitions; convincing many people of the sacredness of the site, and
reaffirming for people belief in the intercession of divine beings.
Furthermore, it is also reasonable to presume that public knowledge of the
extraordinary Garabandal pictures may have also inspired others to bring
cameras to apparition sites in the hope of capturing another “little miracle”
on film.
In the years following the Garabandal
apparitions, photographic technology became progressively more user friendly as
well as affordable. This caused the photographic camera to be increasingly put
into the hands of the general believer.[49] It is during this
time period, the late 1960s, that the use of photography to capture
supernatural activity, create sacred images, and to interact more readily and
intimately with divine beings, begins to emerge as a popular folk practice
within the Catholic tradition.[50] Unlike earlier
examples of miraculous Christian photographs, however, which were often
inadvertent and fortuitous documents of a divine presence, such as the “Our
Lady of the Fjords” photograph, the bulk of miraculous photographs that have
been produced in the past thirty years have been taken at sites where the
Virgin Mary is believed to be appearing by non_specialists that were actively
and deliberately seeking to document supernatural phenomena.[51]
This fervent and repeated picture taking
that is indicative of the contemporary Marian practice of taking miraculous
photographs has helped to increase the quantity and variety of Christian
“picture miracles” currently in existence. The photographs, presumed to be a
manifestation of a divine Christian presence, are numerous and can vary greatly.
However, three categories (none of which are rigid) may be used to identify and
classify these different types of Christian “picture miracles.” The first
category encapsulates the least common type of miraculous photograph while the
other two categories are indicative of the customary practice of taking picture
miracles at apparition sites.
The first category refers to those
photographic images that demonstrate paranormal or extraordinary behaviour.
These types of images include photographs that have a reputation for
miraculous cures and favours as well as those photographs that become
animated, exude fluid, give off odours, emit sounds, mend themselves if they
become damaged, or demonstrate any other type of bizarre activity. One such
example is a photograph of the Virgin Mary that belongs to Maria al Kahars, a
visionary from Damascus, Syria. This picture has reportedly exuded olive oil
containing curative powers on an intermittent basis since 1982.[52] One other example
is a photograph of Mary which belongs to Narcisse Khouzama of Montreal, Canada. According to Narcisse, he
possesses a photograph depicting the Virgin Mary that brightens and smiles
every time he prays in front of the image.[53]
Image 2: Julia Kim’s statue
Photo credit: Ave Maria Centre for Peace, Toronto
Canada
The second category refers to those
photographic images deemed to be miraculous because they are thought to depict
a supernatural occurrence, a supernatural being, or a symbol associated with a
divine being. These photographs can be clear depictions of something alleged to
be of supernatural origin such as a picture of a weeping statue of the Virgin
Mary (see image 2); ambiguous depictions of something purportedly miraculous,
such as an image in the landscape that is purported to be a manifestation of a divine
being (see image 3); or display highly vague and indistinct imagery such as
patch of fog or a stream of light. It is these latter ambiguous and vague forms
that are only considered miraculous because of context – i.e. where and when
the photograph was taken and one’s selective perception.
One example of a popular, yet relatively
ambiguous photograph, that belongs to this second category concerns an image
which has been referred to by various Marmora devotees as “Jesus in the
Clouds” and alternately as the “Face of God.” This photograph was taken at the
Greensides’ farm some time in the late 1990s and is said to depict a
“miraculous” cloud formation (see image 3). Among those interviewed that
believe the photograph depicts a supernatural occurrence, the overwhelming
majority perceive (in the break of light between the clouds in the sky over
Marmora) the body of Jesus crucified and or a face peering through the clouds –
a face which is often referred to as belonging to God. [Image 3]
The last category describes photographic images that are
believed to have been created by a divine source. In this way, these
photographs are similar to the Shroud of Turin, the Edessan image, or any other
traditional Christian icon reputed not to be “made by human hands.”[54] Similar to the
previous category, photographs which are believed to have been inscribed in
some way by the divine can be relatively clear depictions of something
religious, vague and ambiguous, or at times, even completely unnoticeable. That
is unless one is granted the divine grace to see the otherwise invisible image
that is purportedly in the photograph.
One example of an easily recognizable
photograph belonging to this genre is a photo of the Virgin Mary embracing
Pope John Paul II (see image 4). It is piously claimed that this particular
photograph was intended to be a depiction of a landscape. When the photographer
took his film for developing, however, it was the image of the pope and the
Virgin Mary, not the intended image, which “miraculously” appeared on the
negative.[55]
An example of a less distinct image
believed to have been created by a divine source concerns a photograph taken
in the spring of 2003 by a woman while on group pilgrimage to celebrate the
feast of St. Joseph at Marmora. The photographer claims not to have seen
anything out of the ordinary when she took the picture in question. She admitted,
however, that she was taking indiscriminate photographs of the surrounding
landscape at the Greensides’ farm in the hope that she would be graced by a
sign from the Virgin Mary. After receiving the results of her photographic
endeavour, she claims to have been both surprised and grateful to discover a
photo that she believes depicts the Virgin Mary and a “solar Cross” surrounded
by branches from tress on the Greensides’ farm (see Image 5). Enthused by her
discovery, she notified her friend and organizer of the pilgrimage to Marmora
and told her of her “little sign given from heaven.” Upon seeing the source of
her excitement, the pilgrimage organizer also became convinced of the
photograph’s miraculous nature and asked that fifty copies of the photo be
reproduced so that everyone who attended the pilgrimage with them would be
aware of the Virgin Mary's continued presence in their life and thus be further
inspired to continue their acts of religious devotion.[56]
Image 5: Virgin Mary
and a solar cross
Photo Credit: Courtesy of the
photographer (name withheld)
Finally, there are seemingly normal
photographs depicting standard material reality that are considered divinely
created and thus miraculous. With regard to these photographs, it is piously
held among certain Catholics that God or the Virgin Mary will place an image
into a photograph. It is only a chosen few, however, that are given the grace
to see the divinely placed image. Although this interpretation seems rather out
of the ordinary, it follows the same type of Catholic logic used to explain
apparitions of the Virgin Mary. During Marian apparitions, it is typically
understood that it is only a privileged few that are granted the grace to see
the otherwise invisible Virgin.
Image 4: Mary embracing John Paul II
Photo credit: Ave Maria Centre, Toronto, Canada
One example of this
type of miraculous image is a photograph owned by an Ontario woman that depicts
a dead tree bark that was located behind the twelfth station of the cross at
the Greensides' farm in Marmora, Ontario, Canada.
Image 5: Virgin Mary and a solar cross
Photo credit: Courtesy of the photographer (name withheld)
Image 6: “Miraculous” bark photograph
Photo credit: Eldorado Studios, Toronto
According to the
owner of the alleged miraculous photograph, the picture of the tree bark was
taken at random while on pilgrimage at the Greensides’ farm in 1997. When the
photograph was developed, she examined it to see if she had captured anything
miraculous. While she did not notice anything peculiar at first, she soon saw
an image of her dead cousin appear to the left of the tree bark. When she
informed her sister of what had happened, her sister also looked into the image
and discovered that she too saw a deceased individual. It was not their cousin
that she perceived, however, but another relative they had in common – their
great uncle. The owner of the photograph continued to show other people the
‘Marmora tree bark photo” and found that certain individuals were having
similar experiences. From this, she concluded that she had in her possession an
extraordinary photograph through which God grants certain people the grace to
perceive particular images that relate to their life. According to her,
however, the images people most often perceive (and should perceive) are
deceased family members and friends.”[57]
Image 7: Tree bark photo being displayed
Photo Credit: Eldorado Studios, Toronto
Although three principal types of
miraculous photographs exist at the level of Catholic popular piety, the bulk
of the picture miracles examined by this study belonged to the latter two of
the three categories described in this paper and tended to display imagery
which failed to have an obvious religious or miraculous value. The reason for
this high concentration of seemingly unremarkable “miraculous” images is related
to the manner by which the majority of Christian “picture miracles” is being
produced as well as how they are being interpreted by Marian devotees.
At Marmora, Ontario, and other apparition
sites, the photographs most often taken by Marian devotees are of the sun, the
sky, and the surrounding landscape. Furthermore, it is not uncommon for those
who take photographs at apparition sites to use questionable photographic
techniques such as poor camera exposures, the use of slow shutter speeds, or
taking direct photographs of the sun. This will inevitably cause flaring and
other pictorial distortions/extra_materializations to occur on the photograph.
Once images taken at apparition sites are developed, either on spot, if they
were taken by an instant camera, or later at another location, it is quite
common for people to gather and attempt to construe divine figures or religious
symbols in the pictorial distortions (i.e., flares of light), cloud
formations, or whatever else was depicted in the photograph.[58]
While there are some striking photographs
that have been taken by devotees at apparition sites, the majority of purported
“picture miracles” that were examined by this study contained imagery which
was ambiguous. As this study has already noted however, photographs, which
display indistinct or questionable imagery, can be and are often viewed as
miraculous documentations of the sacred by Marian devotees. This is often the
case even when a devotee agrees that a particular “picture miracle” is not a
conclusive proof of a divine existence. One devotee interviewed, for example,
defended the miraculous nature of ambiguous photos by arguing that photographs
are generally intended to be "personal signs given form heaven"
rather than clear manifestations from the divine. According to the
interviewee:
most photographs
taken where our Blessed Mother is appearing are not meant for unbelievers
because they would be sceptical no matter what you showed them. These
(photographs) are little glimpses of heaven meant for people's own personal
viewing and spiritual development. Mother Mary is using photographs to
communicate with people on an individual level. She wants to strengthen our
faith because she needs our prayers ... And if you are confused about the
meaning of a photograph, all you need to do is pray to her and she will tell
you through the Holy Spirit what the picture means.[59]
The above_mentioned
quote is but one of many interpretations given by Marian devotees to describe
and defend the miraculous character of ambiguous photographs. Despite the
various responses given, most of the Marian devotees interviewed for this study
who sought to defend the sanctity of a particular photograph, whether ambiguous
or not, did so by constituting their explanation in purely religious terms.[60] In addition to
these particular devotees, there were some Marianists who adopted a more
rationalistic and secular discourse to explain the supernatural character of
particular photographs. These Catholics, not unlike some of their
nineteenth_century Spiritualist counterparts, demonstrated a scientific spirit
in their examination and consideration of supernatural photography. They were
concerned with responding to secular challenges made against the veracity of
‘miraculous photography” as well as committed to bridging the divide between
science and religion. Hence, they explained their belief in “picture miracles”
using both religious and naturalistic terms and often spoke of the conditions
by which particular photographs were taken and developed in order to dispel any
claims that a particular “miracle photo” may have been created by natural or
deceptive means.
Finally there were people who challenged
the miraculous authenticity of “picture miracles.” Not surprisingly, critics
of miraculous photography provided naturalistic or secular explanations to
support their point of view. They often cited people’s active imagination,
photographic manipulation, and credulity among believers to argue against the
miraculous nature of photographs. Those who explained miraculous photography in
this way, however, were not only people outside the Marian movement or the
Catholic tradition. As this study will further demonstrate, many people who
challenge the veracity of picture miracles are Marian devotees that are not
opposed to other types of miraculous claims or religious experience.
The various explanations given by both
believers and sceptics of miraculous photographs reflects the type of discourse
surrounding debates concerning the authenticity of other types of miraculous Christian
images and objects.[61] Picture miracles,
however, in contrast to such things as miraculous statues and icons, have
tended to garner a lesser degree of public exposure and status within the Catholic
Church. Unlike the “weeping statue of Akita” or the “image of Our Mother of
Perpetual Help,”[62] there does not
appear to exist any photograph that has given rise to a parochial cult. While
the oozing Damascus photograph owned by Maria al Kahars has attracted a fair
amount of attention, the status afforded that picture is essentially an
anomaly. In spite of this, however, miraculous photographs do form an
important part of people’s religious experiences and serve a variety of
different religious functions.
Miraculous pictures, not unlike other
images and sacred objects, have been used to create a sacral environment,
inspire devotional piety, develop one’s interior life and relationship with the
divine, and even help provoke intercessory intervention.[63] At the level of
Catholic popular piety, however, picture miracles are more commonly used as a
sign to recall one’s experiences at an apparition site; as scientific proof to
confirm the reality of intercessory beings; and as a means to promote and
legitimize one’s religious beliefs and concerns.[64] This latter explanation
helps to explain why miracle photos, especially those that are most impressive,
are often publicly displayed at apparition sites, prayer meetings, in
devotional publications, in wall hangings, on religious web sites, and even for
sale in religious stores. Despite these more popular applications, however,
miraculous photography is also used for purposes of receiving communication
from the divine, as a form of religious entertainment, and as a means to
garner charismatic authority.
As a medium through which people seek to
determine the will of God, predict the “second coming” of Christ, and obtain
information about future and past events, miraculous photography is a form of
divination.[65] Daniel Wojcik’s
study of the Bayside apparitions provides an excellent description of how
Bayside devotees often looked to miraculous photos for prophetic information
about the imminence of the apocalypse and for personal revelations. His work
describes how devotees often applied the symbols they perceived on photographs
to a divinatory chart provided by the Bayside visionary Veronica Leuken in
order to help decipher their meaning. The manner in which divination was used,
however, and the extent to which it was promoted appears to be a unique
“Bayside” trait. Photo divination charts are unorthodox and would generally not
be tolerated at mainstream apparitional cults that tend be under the
guardianship of Church authorities. Furthermore, visionaries from mainstream
apparitional cults often seek approval and endorsement from the Catholic Church
as well as from Catholics in general. Thus, they are likely to avoid public
displays of unorthodox behaviour.
In addition to the use of a divinatory
chart, Marian devotees have also used other means to receive divine
communication through the photographic process. The most common method
witnessed among Marmora devotees involved pilgrims taking photographs at the
apparition site and then examining the photographs they had taken for an answer
to a question or concern they had put forward to their heavenly parents. On one
occasion, for instance, a Marmora pilgrim informed me that she had asked the
Madonna to notify her about the spiritual state of her father in_law who had
recently passed on. More specifically, she wanted to know whether his soul was
in purgatory (and therefore, required more prayers and acts of devotion on her
behalf for its release) or if his soul had been taken to heaven. In order to
receive this information, she petitioned “la Madonna di Marmora” to convey the
answer to her query in the photograph she had recently taken of the tenth
station of the Way of the Cross at the Greensides’ Farm. According to the
Mannora devotee, she asked the Madonna to alter the photograph, that is produce
some type of extra_materialization on the photo, to indicate that her Father
in_law’s soul was in heaven. However, if his soul was in purgatory, she asked
that the photograph of the tenth station of the Way of the Cross remain
unaltered and thus appear as a standard photograph devoid of any extra imagery.
In his study of the Bayside apparitions,
Daniel Wojcik observed similar behaviour among Bayside devotees and likened the
desire among pilgrims to search for signs in a photograph to a Rorschach test.
He also noted that; “like a religious Rorschach test, the ambiguous imagery on
miracle photos allows for a variety of attributed meanings, which reflect both
the theology of the shrine and the dominating concerns of the individuals at
the apparition site.”[66]
While the use of a photographic camera for
divinatory purposes is well documented, the taking of picture miracles as a
form of religious entertainment has not been given much consideration.
Commentaries that have written about the use of picture miracles have tended to
only describe those Marian devotees who appear to have sanctified the photo
taking process. There has been little discussion allotted to those who do not
view the photographs they take as always being in some way a manifestation of
divine presence. At the Marmora apparition site, some of the devotees who take
pictures are knowledgeable about photographic technology and thus perceive the
bulk of the pictures they produce as explainable by natural causes. While these
devotees are open to the fact that a picture miracle can be an authentic
hierophany, they do not bring a camera to simply try and document supernatural
happenings. They also view and treat picture taking at Marian apparition sites
as an extra curricular activity. These devotees enjoy photography and have
demonstrated that they take pleasure in picking out symbols in photographs.
Furthermore, they have felt a sense of pride and heightened level of status
when they produced a striking photograph. It should be said, that an impressive
photo taken at an apparition site often draws a crowd and generates a degree of
attention from pilgrims, many of whom are interested in catching a glimpse of
the divine.
While taking an impressive photograph or
being in possession of a miraculous object can help to temporarily elevate
one’s status, it can also be a source of charismatic authority and a licence to
justify heterodox behaviour, even schism. While the previously mentioned owner
of the “magical Marmora tree bark photograph” does not engage in any blatant
heterodox behaviour, the photograph provided her with an opportunity to
command attention from people at the apparition site that she otherwise would
not posses. Furthermore, given that various people responded positively to her
personal interpretation of the photograph’s power and function (see figure 7),
it would not be difficult to imagine that she could use her “tree bark” photo
as a tool to challenge religious authority.
One prominent example of the foregoing,
that is, a miraculous photograph being used as a means to endorse and justify
schismatic behaviour, is evidenced among the followers of the Palma de Troya,
Spain apparitions that began in 1968. The visionaries and followers of this
apparition have been extremely critical of Vatican II reforms and the Catholic
hierarchy. Moreover, they have relied on a photograph that depicts certain
Palma de Troya visionaries allegedly receiving the Eucharist from an invisible
angel as a means to promote and justify their rebellious Catholic movement.[67]
The last point this paper addresses
concerns the manner in which miraculous images are interpreted at the
grassroots level. According to Daniel Wojcik, all Bayside devotees accept
picture miracles as authentic manifestations of divine presence. It is only
persons outside of the Bayside cult who question or reject their authenticity.
Correspondingly, Paolo Apolito’s research also fails to mention any Marian
devotees as having an aversion for miraculous photography. The research derived
from this study, however, revealed that the interpretation of picture miracles
at the grass roots level is by no means consistent. A great many devotees are
quite guarded in their view of picture miracles. In fact, a few Marian devotees
that were interviewed appear to have been suffering from picture miracle
burnout. These devotees were particularly distressed by the quantity and
quality of most purported “picture miracles” and by their knowledge of certain
miraculous photographs being proven to be the handiwork of a hoaxer rather than
divine intervention. One devotee expressed this perspective in the following
way:
Whenever I'm up
here (at Marmora), somebody will usually show me a miracle photo. And believe
me, the stuff they show me just doesn’t seem that miraculous. Sometimes I think
it’s a miracle that they think it’s a miracle. There’ll be a streak of
light, a white spot, some ring in a tree, and they’ll tell you that it’s the
Virgin Mary or the Crown of Thorns. But to me, it just usually looks like a
streak of light or a white spot. Most of the time, I am just not impressed. And
if somebody does come along and show you something really striking, you wonder
if it’s a fake. With the computers and photo editing software they have
nowadays, it’s so easy to manipulate photographs. You just can’t trust the
photographs people show you unless you were there when the photo was taken or
if you took the picture yourself. A couple of years ago, somebody showed me a
picture of the Virgin Mary floating in mid air and looking down at the
visionaries and people inside of St. James Church (in Medjugorje). The thing
was impressive but it was exactly like a wedding picture I once saw. And I
couldn’t help but think that some photographer created that image and was
trying to make a few bucks. You know they sell these types of photos in
religious stores.[68]
Finally, there was
a minority of devotees who were not only sceptical of most picture miracles but
had also distanced themselves from miraculous photography. These devotees tend
to reject the use of picture miracles and regard the people who promote them as
“fanatical” and as a hindrance
to the effective dissemination of the Marian message. One devotee expressed
their distaste for miraculous photography and other types of ritual innovation
in the following way:
Miraculous
photography? You want to me to talk about those people who snap pictures of the
sun and sky and then go around with their poorly exposed photographs and claim
they captured the Virgin Mary and Jesus on film. Or those people who walk
around with photographs and think that what they actually have in their hand is
a magic mirror from Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. What can I say? I think
what these people are doing is ridiculous. I don’t support this Kodak
Catholicism. I think it’s distracting. And I think it runs counter to what Our
Blessed Mother is teaching and what she truly wants us to do.... For a while,
I have been inviting different people to spend a day of quiet prayer and
reflection at the farm in the hope that I can get others to accept our Blessed
Mother’s call for conversion. Believe me, this is no easy task given the
society we live in. And it’s even more difficult to get people to take this
place seriously when you have a bunch of fanatics engaging in all kinds of
ludicrous behaviour at the site ... You know, people staring directly
into the sun, people laying hands over one another, people taking miracle
photographs – all this stuff. It just leaves a negative impression on people
and it makes us and this place look foolish.[69]
To conclude, the
increasing availability of modem photographic cameras coupled with the desire
among Marian pilgrims for external signs of their religious faith has caused
the photographic process and the taking of picture miracles to become an
important component of the Marian pilgrimage and religious experience for many
Catholics. Moreover, the emergence and popularity of this folk practice has
had a significant impact in various Catholic circles. For instance, the
practice of miraculous photography has helped to facilitate the proliferation
of portable Christian sacred objects in the post_Conciliar period and has democratized
the divine viewing experience, allowing average Catholics (specifically, those
who believe in the miraculous nature of particular photographs) the opportunity
to view that which has traditionally been accepted as only being privy to
seers, saints, and the deceased.[70]
This ritual activity has also affected the
religious sensibility of certain Catholics. Although this study has
ascertained that the practice of supernatural photography and belief in the
miraculous nature of photographs by Marmora devotees has generally functioned
to fortify their existing religious world view (especially a continued belief
in the intercession of divine beings and the sacredness of the Greensides’
farm), the adoption of photographic technology to create picture miracles, not
unlike other forms of ritual activity or direct encounters with the sacred, can
potentially challenge an established system of belief as well as significantly
alter one's relationship with, and perception of, the divine.
Finally, this study has found that the attitude Catholics have towards supernatural photography has not simply been positive nor has it remained fixed. There are Marian devotees who are ambivalent towards picture miracles, those that are adamantly opposed to this ritual activity, and even Catholics whose acceptance of miraculous photography has waned. With regard to this last point, it appears that the current abundance of Christian miracle photos, their questionable quality, and the relative ease by which miraculous photos can be produced (and subsequently reproduced) has diminished the sacred value of these objects for certain believers. Despite these facts, there continues to be a significant number of Catholics who accept photography as a means to prove the existence of, and remain in contact with, an immanent and sacred cosmos. Thus, it is not surprising that miraculous photography continues to be accepted by many Marianists as another weapon in their miraculous arsenal to defend and sustain their supernaturalistic view of the world. However, given the function of miraculous photography as a source of alienation, scepticism, and as a justification for schism, picture miracles may be aptly described as a double_edged sword in this Marianist arsenal.
[1] The following represents a summary of
responses given by various Canadian and American Catholics interviewed by the
author. These interviews, both formal and informal, were conducted between 1997
and the winter of 2002. The information gathered from these interviews form
part of an ethnographic study that is being conducted on the apparition events
associated with the Greensides' farm located in Marmora, Ontario, Canada and
the larger Marian movement within Catholicism.
[2]Gilles Kepel, The Revenge of God: The
Resurgence of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism in the Modern World,
translated by Alan Braley (University Park: Pennsylvania State University
Press, [1991] 1994).
[3]Loreto Eccheveria & Nicholas Perry, Under
the Heel of Mary (London: Routledge, 1988); Michael Cuneo, The Smoke of
Satan: Conservative and Traditional Dissent (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1997a), 121_78; Sally Cunneen, In Search of Mary: The Woman and the
Symbol (New York: Ballantine Books, 1996), 227_68; John R. Shinners Jr.,
“Mary and the People: The Cult of Mary and Popular Belief” in Mary Woman of
Nazareth, ed. Doris Donnelly (New York: Paulist Press, 1989), 161_86.
[4]Two important factors that have contributed
to this revival are the intense Marian devotion of John Paul II and the
dramatic increase in the number of Marian apparition sites. See Sandra
Zimdars_Swartz, “Marian Revival in American Catholicism,” in Being Right:
Conservative Catholics in America, eds. R. Scott Appleby and Mary Jo Weaver
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 213_40.
[5]For contemporary accounts of “miraculous”
images, both from Canada and elsewhere, see Albert Joseph Herbert, The Tears
of Mary and Fatima (Paulina, Louisiana: Albert J. Herbert, S.M., [1983]
1995); Sister Alice Johnson, Marmora, Canada: Is Our Blessed Mother Speaking
to Her Beloved Children? (Peterborough, ON: Amor Enterprises, 1994); and
Joe Nickell, Looking for a Miracle (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1993).
[6]Daniel Wojcik, “Polaroids from Heaven:
Photography, Folk Religion, and the Miraculous Image Tradition at a Marian
Apparition Site,” Journal of American Folklore, 109, no. 432 (1996),
129.
[7]The reputation of Marian apparition sites as
locations where a plethora of divine graces are dispensed has motivated a great
many pilgrims to not only attend these areas but also to bring cameras in the
hope of capturing some form of supernatural activity on film. As a consequence
of this, apparition sites, especially those where visions of divine beings
continue to be claimed, have become the locations where the bulk of picture
miracles have been produced in the post_Vatican II era. See also Sandra
Zimdars_Swartz, Encountering Mary: Visions of Mary from La Saiette to
Medjugorje (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); and Rene
Laurentin, The Apparitions of the Blessed Virgin Mary Today, translated
by Luke Griffin (Dublin: Veritas Publications, [1990], 1991)
[8]Wojcik 1996; Paolo Apolito, Apparitions of
the Madonna at Oliveto Citra: Local Visions and Cosmic Drama, translated by
William Christian Jr. (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania State University Press,
[1992] 1998).
[9]For information on the deviant nature of
Veronica Leuken's Bayside movement, see Cuneo, 1997a, 152_82; and Michael
Cuneo, ‘The Vengeful Virgin: Case Studies in Contemporary American
Apocalypticism” in Millennium, Messiahs and Mayhem, eds. Susan J. Palmer
and Thomas Robbins (New York and London: Routledge, 1997b), 175_94.
[10]See Anolito. 209.
[11]Apolito’s view point that a Marian devotee,
because of the technology he or she possesses, can capture an image of the
divine without the consent or against the wishes of the Virgin Mary (ibid.:
208_11) is an idea that is contrary to this study’s findings. Although it is
possible certain Marianists uphold this hubristic point of view, all the Marian
devotees interviewed for this study expressed the opinion that divine
intervention and/or the willingness of the divine being to be photographed, not
modem technology or chance, was the reason and cause for the creation of an
extraordinary/miraculous photograph.
[12]See Cuneo 1997b, 175_94.
[13]Both the messages and devotees of the Marmora
apparitions, with very few exceptions, have been supportive of Catholic
doctrine and established Church authority. In fact, most members have demonstrated
a fondness for Ultramontane religious practices and spirituality. For more
information on this movement and its relationship with the Catholic hierarchy,
see Sister Alice Johnson, Immaculate Paths (Peterborough, Ontario: Amor
Enterprises, 1995).
[14]The Greensides’ farm in Marmora, Ontario has
attracted and maintained a significant following of Marian devotees from Canada
(mainly from Ontario and Quebec) and from the U.S.A. Since 1997, for instance,
the Greensides’ farm has averaged between 2500_8000 visitors on Marian feast
days with larger crowds attending the site when these commemorations occurred
on weekends and on the feast of the Immaculate Conception.
[15]Apolito, 204; Wojcik, 135.
[16]The invention of the daguerreotype process is
the event that marks the beginning of modern photography. Beaumont Newhall, The
History of Photography (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1982), 19_22.
[17]Apolito, 204.
[18]Ibid.
[19]Brett E. Carroll notes, “...in the 1860s and
1870s, the mediumistic repertoire expanded to include spirit photography and
spirit materializations.” See Bret E. Carroll, “The Context of Cassadaga: A
Historical Overview of American Spiritualism” in Cassadaga, eds. John
Guthrie, Jr., Philip Charles Lucas, and Gary Monroe (Gainesville: University
Press of Florida, 2000), 4.
[20]Wojcik, 135_6.
[21]Ibid.
[22]It was not uncommon for nineteenth_century
Canadians interested in Spiritualism to subscribe to foreign Spiritualist
publications. See for instance, a letter from A.N Buell to Partridge and
Britten, 342 Broadway, New York, sending $2 to continue subscription to the
“Spiritual Telegraph,” 20 August 1856. Archives of Ontario, Andrew Norton Buell
Papers, F62, Box MU 305.
[23]Many modem Spiritualists point to the spirit
rapping that purportedly occurred at the Fox family residence (a family of
Canadian origin) in Hydesville, New York on March 31, 1848 as the event that
marked the birth of their religion. See Carroll, 3.
[24]Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social
Criticism in Late Victorian Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1985), 66_68; Reverend Alva Folkes (current president of the Spiritualist
Church of Canada) “Canadian Spiritualism” (unpublished essay, 2003), 1_6.
[25]Ibid., Cook, 68; Christine Wicker, Lily
Dale: The True Story of the Town that talks to the Dead (San Francisco:
Harper_San Francisco, 2003).
[26]Betty L. Putman, “Lily Dale Assembly: Our
History,” The Lily Dale Assembly Web site, at
http://www.lilydale.org/history.htm, accessed from the World Wide Web on 30
August 2003.
[27]James Coates, The Literature of
Photography (Reprint of the 1911 edition, Photographing the Invisible:
Practical Studies in Spirit Photography, Spirit Portraiture and Other Rare but
Allied Phenomena) (New York: Arno Press, 1973), 150_51.
[28]Ibid.,
iv_v.
[29]Ibid.,
150_51.
[30]Ibid.
[31]Ibid.; see
also Barbara Allen, “The ‘Image on Glass’: Technology, Tradition and the
Emergence of Folklore,” Western Folklore, 41, no.2 (1982), 85103.
[32]Alfred
Wallace, Miracles and Modern Spiritualism (New York: Arno Press, [1896]
1975).
[33]Ibid.,
190_94.
[34]Ibid.
[35]Cyril
Permutt, Beyond the Spectrum (Cambridge, England: Patrick Stephens Ltd.,
1983), 25_6.
[36]Ibid.
[37]See for
instance Nickell, 211.
[38]My own
research notwithstanding, the oldest “miraculous” photograph depicting a
Christian presence I encountered in literary works was the “Hidden Christ”
picture. This image was purportedly taken some time in the 1930s (Wojcik 1996).
For more information concerning the “miraculous” ice statue, see Rose Noonan
Conway, “Icebergs in Bay_de_Verde and the Blessed Virgin Iceberg of 1905,” The
Newfoundland Quarterly, Vol. LXXVI, No.2 (Summer, 1980), 34_6.
[39]“Photography
Timeline,” The George Eastman House web site at http://www.eastman.org/5
timeline/1919.htm, accessed from the World Wide Web on 13 January 2002.
[40]Conway,
35.
[41]Ibid.
[42]Robert
Leggat, “A History of Photography,” from R. Leggat's web site homepage at,
http://www.rleggat.com., accessed from the World Wide Web on 13 January 2002.
For other information concerning the history of photography see Newhall, The
History of Photography.
[43]A case in
point is certain photographs depicting various Spanish visionaries in an altered
state of consciousness. See William A. Christian Jr., Visionaries: The
Spanish Republic and the Reign of Christ (Berkley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1996). While the Ezkioga photos are one of the
earliest examples that link miraculous photography with Marian devotional
piety, it appears that the photographs were taken by a select group of individuals
that were competent photographers. There is no indication that the contemporary
folk practice of “taking picture miracles” [photographs being taken by a group
of non_specialists “deliberately seeking to document supernatural phenomena in
a sacred context” (Wojcik 1996: 136)] was in evidence at Ezkioga.
[44]The lack
of documented evidence surrounding Marian apparition events makes it difficult
to decisively trace the antecedents of the contemporary Catholic folk practice
of taking “picture miracles.” There is evidence, however, that a noticeable
amount of Garabandal believers were bringing cameras and other image making
equipment for the purpose of documenting supernatural phenomena and creating
“sacred proofs.” See Joseph A. Pelletier, God Speaks at Garabandal: The
Message of Garabandal with a Summary and Picture Story of the Apparitions
(Worcester, Massachusetts: An Assumption Publication, [1970], 1973).
[45]Ibid.,
Laurentin 1991, 148_9.
[46]Zimdars_Swartz
1991: 125_60; Pelletier; F. Sanchez_Ventura Y Pasqual, The Apparitions of
Garabandal, translated by A. de Betiding (Detroit: San Miguel Publishing
Co., [1965], 1966), 123_36.
[47]Ibid.,
Swartz 1991.
[48]Ibid.;
Laurentin 1991, 148_9.
[49]Wojcik,
137.
[50]Reports of
miraculous photographs appear to increase after the Garabandal apparitions. For
examples see Laurentin 1990. Furthermore, the popular use of cameras to record
miraculous phenomena is clearly evident by the early 1970s. See Wojcik 1996.
[51]Wojcik,
138.
[52]Laurentin
1991, 76_82.
[53]Ibid.,
161.
[54]Joan
Carroll Cruz, Miraculous Images of Our Lady: 100 Famous Catholic Statues and
Portraits (Rockford, Illinois: Tan Books and Publishers, 1993).
[55]For an
exclusively Canadian example see Dolores M. Tan and John B. McLarney, Our
Blessed Mother Speaks to Dory Tan in Marmora (Toronto: Tan/McLarney
Enterprises, 1997), 59.
[56]Interview
by author, April 2003, Vaughan, Ontario, Canada.
[57]Interview
by author, 8 December 2001, Marmora, Ontario, Canada.
[58]On this
point, see also Rene Laurentin & Rene Lejeune, Messages and Teachings of
Mary at Medjugorje (Milford, Ohio: Faith Publishing Company, 1988), 71_3;
Wojcik; Apolito; and Nickell.
[59]Interview
by author. December 2001. Marmora. Ontario. Canada.
[60] Two
responses that followed this type of reasoning was the view point that the
Virgin Mary entered the camera after the photograph was taken to transform the
imagery already captured on film. The second common religiously based
explanation involved the notion that a divine figure purposely made an appearance
from the transcendent sphere into the temporal sphere, for a minuscule moment
in time (a period of time that was brief enough to elude human detection but
long enough to be captured on film), in order to be documented
photographically.
[61] See
Nickell’s book, Looking for A Miracle, for examples.
[62]See Cruz, Miraculous
Images of Our Lady, for more information on these, and other, Marian
images.
[63]David
Morgan, Visual Piety: A History and Theory of Popular Religious Images
(Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988).
[64]Wojcik,
139_48.
[65]Ibid.,
133.
[66]Ibid.,
135.
[67]For more
information on this movement see Laurentin 1990: 142; Cuneo 1997a. 99_105).
[68]Interview
by author. September 2001, Marmora, Ontario, Canada.
[69]Interview
by author. Aueust 2001. Marmora, Ontario, Canada.
[70]Wojcik,
141.