CCHA, Historical Studies, 60 (1993-1994), 17-42
Early Catholic Church Architecture
in the Ottawa Valley:
An initial investigation of nineteenth century
parish churches1
Victoria BENNETT
INTRODUCTION
In January of 1860
the Montreal Gazette ran an article in which it referred to the present
day as “the age of church building.”2 Indeed for many Christian
denominations in Central Canada, the nineteenth century was also an age of
intense architectural activity.3 In the Ottawa Valley alone
over 800 churches and chapels are known to have been built for Christian
worship. Although many of these buildings were modest log cabins, destined to
be used for only a few years, they nevertheless represented considerable
financial sacrifice on the part of those who built them. At least three hundred
of these structures were Roman Catholic.
When the vast territory of Quebec was
divided into two provinces in 1791 much of the border between the new provinces
was drawn down the middle of the Ottawa Valley.4 Although people
had been attracted to the region and its rich natural resources for thousands
of years there had been little permanent settlement prior to the early decades
of the nineteenth century. Many of the first settlers in the Ottawa Valley were
late Loyalists or economic refugees from the United States, and contrary to
the hopes of some British Officials comparatively few were members of the
United Church of England and Ireland.5 Settlers continued to drift
northwards until the flow was interrupted by the War of 1812. After the war,
however, there was some uneasiness following suggestions that “loyalist
settlers” may not have been as devoted to the interests of British Crown as
their name implied. British immigration officials subsequently encouraged the
settlement of newly opened lands, such as the Ottawa Valley, by people whose
political loyalties were less ambiguous. At the same time, the economic slump
that supervened the Napoleonic Wars had become a source of considerable
financial distress and aggravation, especially in Ireland. In an attempt to
divert and defuse tensions, the British Government consequently encouraged both
Protestant and Catholic emigration to British North America. In addition,
French Canadian Catholics also began to settle the Ottawa Valley in significant
numbers at this time. Many French families wishing to make their fortune on new
land were also encouraged to settle in newly surveyed regions of western Quebec
or eastern Ontario. The Ottawa Valley was seen by many French Canadian priests
as a more desirable alternative for resettlement than emigration to the United
States, where young French families risked losing not only their language and
culture but their faith.6
Roman Catholics soon counted for a
significant portion of the population in the Ottawa Valley although their
numbers have always remained divided primarily between the French and Irish
communities.7
When Joseph-Bruno Guigues8 was ordained first
bishop of the diocese of Bytown9 in 1848, he inherited a
territory that ran over 800 kilometers up the Ottawa River from the Hawkesbury
area in the south east to the Temiskaming area in the north west. His charge
also included all tributaries and the surrounding townships. To help him with
this immense task Mgr. Guigues had a total of fourteen priests many of whom
were not fluently bilingual. In the entire region, there were only nineteen
Catholic churches or chapels. This number included the Bytown cathedral that
was far from finished and barely usable. When Mgr. Guigues died twenty-six
years later, there were ninety priests working in the Diocese and at least 115
churches or chapels in serviceable condition.10 In 1874, when
Joseph-Thomas Duhamel was appointed to succeed Mgr. Guigues as bishop of
Ottawa, over half the population or 92,547 of the 174,497 individuals surveyed
in the recent census had identified themselves as Roman Catholics.11 By the time Mgr.
Duhamel died in 1909, there were 258 priests working in the diocese of Ottawa
and the Roman Catholic population had risen to 150,000.12
Of the numerous Roman Catholic churches and
chapels built in the Ottawa Valley during the course of the nineteenth century
many are no longer standing.13 Regrettably, many architectural plans, minutes
of building committees and parish record books have been lost to fire or human
neglect. Only Notre-Dame Cathedral, Ottawa,14and the Rideau
Street Convent Chapel, Ottawa,15 have been the object of serious architectural
studies. Few parish histories contain even the most fleeting reference to
places of worship. Still, it should be remembered that the weathered facades,
stained glass windows and polished woodwork of these churches are historical
documents in their own right (Fig. I). These churches are no less pertinent to
our cumulative knowledge of Catholicism in nineteenth century Canada than written
documents. For this reason, and despite all other shortcomings due to
fragmented evidence, these churches are worth investigating.
An investigation of Roman Catholic churches
in the Ottawa Valley is not without its limitations. Many questions remain
unanswered. There are times when official records simply add to the confusion.
One has only to consider the different responses found in the Annual Reports
to the Diocese of Ottawa from the pastors of churches in the Valley. Even
the most straightforward inquiries could be subjected to various interpretations.
In the Annual Report for 1876, Fr. Camille Gay, answered that the church
of St. Luc in Curran, (Fig. 2), was built in... 1864. Two years later he said
that the church was built in... 1863, and two years after that he said the
church was built in... stone. For each year Fr. Gay gave slightly different
measurements.16 This was by no means an isolated incident. Reports of St. Philip’s
Richmond indicated that the church varied in length from 60 feet to 70 feet
but was usually 64 feet or 65 feet long. Accounts of the width varied from 30
feet to 40 feet. The roof was sometimes said to be as low as 14 feet or as high
as 20 feet. The sacristy of St. Philip’s was usually reported to be
rectangular, and reached its maximum size in 1883 when it measures 25 feet X 18
feet; it shrank as low as 12 feet by 16 feet in 1896, until it settled down to
become a stable 22.5 feet X 22.5 feet square until the end of the century.17
Such are the problems encountered with some
of the better documented sites. This paper shall discuss some of the major
characteristics of spatial organization identified in Roman Catholic church
buildings in the Ottawa Valley during the nineteenth century. As it is beyond
the mandate of this paper to discuss any church in detail, representative elements
from various church buildings will be considered according to the following
categories: I) Site Choice and Planning; II) Facades and Entryways; III) The Quadratum
Populi18 and IV) Sanctuaries.
Of the various Christian denominations who
sought to establish an architectural presence in the Ottawa Valley, it was the
Roman Catholics who could lay claim to the oldest, longest and most diversified
tradition of church-building.19 However, while Catholic-church building had
flourished in much of Continental Europe and in the French Colonial context,
the same could not be said of Roman Catholic church building in Great Britain.
Catholicism in the British Isles had been on unstable legal ground since the
time of the Protestant Reformation until Catholic Emancipation in 1829.
Considered a non-conformist denomination by English authorities, Roman
Catholicism had been legally denied the architectural freedom enjoyed by the
officially Established Church. Even during the years when church-building was
not expressly banned, English Law had restricted the use of steeples, towers,
bells, etc., in the building of Roman Catholic churches. For many years the
development of church-building traditions had been stunted by these
restrictions which denied any architectural expression of power, strength or
lofty aspiration. Churches not built for the established denomination were not
permitted to be integrated as architectural equals on busy streets and public
squares but were effectively silenced, architecturally marginalized, and
relegated to the back roads.20 As a result of this policy, many of the Irish
Catholics who immigrated to the Ottawa Valley during the first part of the
nineteenth century had no strong custom of recent church building. They brought
with them instead memories of overcrowded and poorly maintained older churches.
I. Site Choice and
Planning
Whether it originated from a small group of
individuals, or the community as a whole, the decision to build a place of
worship was always considered a turning point in the history of any nineteenth
century Ottawa Valley community. Occasionally a group of interested parishioners
would petition their bishop for permission to build with the hopes of eventually
securing a resident priest. Other times a traveling missionary might suggest a
small chapel be built, especially if he identified the need to bring together
the community. Sometimes the building of a small chapel was advocated as a
useful tool in the struggle against heresy and the evangelizing efforts of
Protestant missionaries.21 In such cases, construction of a chapel
served as a rallying point to unite and motivate a community. In a few
instances the bishop himself suggested that the time was ripe for a community
to give a more tangible expression to their religious convictions.22 After securing
permission to build, it was customary for a cross to be raised on the site of
the future church. This then served as a focal point for the congregation.
The Catholic Church in the Ottawa Valley
acquired building sites in a variety of ways. In military settlements such as
Richmond, the established churches received generous land grants. The British
Army officially recognized three churches; the United Church of England and
Ireland, the Church of Scotland and the Roman Catholic Church.23 Owing to the
comparatively later date of settlement in the Ottawa Valley, military land
grants were rare. Government land grants were sometimes obtainable in newly
settled areas.24 Donations of land by individuals or families were also common. However,
all land donations were not automatically accepted. The donor had to be both
willing and able to sign the deed of the land over the Episcopal corporation.25
Site choice could be a delicate and often
controversial issue especially in a time and place where distances were great,
travel was arduous and priests were scarce. French Canadian communities
insisted that their tradition of centrally located churches be respected.
Likewise, Irish church builders were determined to make the strong and public
architectural statement they had long been denied. Once the site was chosen,
even the bishop could not change the site of a church without provoking
considerable controversy. This was true even if no building had taken place.
The site of the church marked the center of a community. This was particularly
important in earlier days it was not always obvious to new settlers and land
speculators, where the future village would develop. Furthermore, proximity to
a church was rarely detrimental to the value of one’s land. The abundance of
correspondence on this matter reflects the extent of these preoccupations.
Typical of these concerns are those voiced in a letter sent to Mgr. Guigues in
1864, “I feel myself duty bound as a citizen and a member of the church of
Rome to take an interest in the building of a church in Alfred.” The
correspondent went on to mention his fears that the site was not central
enough to properly benefit all local Catholics in need of a church.26
When Mgr. Guigues changed the planned site
of the Plantagenet township church from the village of Curran to the village of
Plantagenet, he was accused, among other things, of being anti-Catholic! “Un
grand nombre qui, comptant sur la décision de votre grandeur lorsqu’elle marqua
le site actuel de la chapelle, croyant voir la perspective d’un village
s’agrandissant chaque année, ont en conséquence fait les achats du terrain et
des ameliorations dans ou près du nouveau village et se sont trouvés avoir
perdu beaucoup (en égard à leurs moyens par le changement survenu dans le site
de l’Église: Un bon nombre a cru voir dans le changement sus dit, un acte
anti-catholique et anti-national, étant le fait d’un Catholique et d’un
Français, qui était supposé savoir que là ou se trouve la chapelle actuelle se
trouve aussi la plus grande somme d’influence Catholique et Française.”27 The author went on
to assure the Bishop that his only motive for writing the letter was his love
of Catholicism. His remarks illustrate just to what extent the church site was
important. However, the location of a church was clearly significant not only in
terms of one’s spiritual well being but in terms of real-estate holding and
land speculation.28
Following acquisition of the land and
before commencement of the construction, it was necessary to agree on the
orientation of the new church. Although European experts on the subject
recommended that churches should be built with the facade to the west and the
sanctuary at the eastern most end,29 this does not
appear to have been an overwhelming preoccupation. Initially it was more
important for Roman Catholics in the Ottawa Valley to establish each church
structure in a central location. During the early and middle years of the
nineteenth century, Roman Catholic churches generally followed the land
surveys. Occasionally the orientation of the graveyard differed from that of
the church building, even when the two occupied the same site. Graveyards were
frequently aligned so that the headstones faced the rising sun.30
By the second half of the nineteenth
century, new criteria was being considered in the selection of building sites
for new Roman Catholic churches. The primary consideration was now to make the
church a landmark. According to several church building guides written by
French clerics,31 a church site had to be prominently located, preferably on an elevated
site. It should be set back from the noise and traffic of public roadways. It
was also suggested that enough space be left around a church to allow for
processions.32 Both practical and theological reasons lay behind this emphasis on
height. Elevated sites were healthier because of their natural drainage. More
significantly, the elevation of the site was to be a visible demonstration of
the predominance of the “House of God” over human dwellings. The landscape
rising up to the church was to serve as a reminder to Roman Catholics of Christ’s
spiritual ascension. Furthermore, the scriptures described how theophanies – a
visible manifestation of God – took place on high ground or mountains.33 The influence of
this thought can be easily identified in Roman Catholic church building
policies of the late nineteenth century in the Ottawa Valley.
The planning and actual building of a
church could take many different routes. Numerous early or remote rural
churches were simple log structures. Their construction was a community effort.34 Parishioners
hauled materials such as wood or stone to the site usually over the course of
the winter. Later they gathered to “raise” the church in much the same manner
as one “raised” a barn.35 Few have survived. Significantly, Roman
Catholics never participated in the construction of union churches which were,
for many Protestant congregations, a fact of pioneer church building in the
Ottawa
Valley.36 Although Roman Catholics may have declined to share church buildings
with those of a differing theology, their reverence for the building itself did
not preclude practical uses of the building. Early chapels were often enjoyed a
second career as a rectory or a school house.37 The rectory-chapel
was an excellent example of planned obsolescence by Ottawa Valley Roman
Catholics.
In addition to local builders and
contractors, parish priests occasionally proved to be able architects. Among
the most notable surviving examples of churches designed by local priests, is
the Church of Our Lady of the Visitation, South Gloucester, designed in 1845 by
Fr. J. Ryan.38 Another more spectacular example of the influence of one priest is the
role of Father Damase Dandurand who changed the design of the Cathedral of
Ottawa into the Gothic style.39 The Bishop himself frequently took an active
interest in the architectural details of a church building.40 This was
especially true of Bishop Duhamel who frequently voiced his opinion concerning
the construction or architectural modification of churches in his dioceses.41
II. The facades and
entryways
Initially, the
facades of most Catholic churches built in the Ottawa Valley during the first
half of the nineteenth century had been proportionately scaled to the other
elements of their built environment. They were marked by an stark but solid
dignity. In its simplest form, a Catholic church was entered by way of a
single door centered on the longitudinal axis of the building.42 More frequently, a
principal door was flanked to either side by entries of a lesser height, (Fig.
2). The tripartite entryway was common not only to large
urban churches but also to very small rural
churches;43 it can be considered an identifying characteristic of Roman Catholic
church architecture.44 It was occasionally suggested, (usually by
enthusiasts of more esoteric interpretations of architectural symbolism) that
the triple doors served as a reference to the Trinity. The French cleric, Mgr.
X. Barbier de Montault observed that, according to the teachings of St. Paulin
of Nole, the Trinity gave access to all elements of faith and all teachings of
the church, in the same manner three doors on the façade of a church symbolized
the Trinity and gave access to the physical church.45 He offered no
explanation as to why the Three Equal Persons would be represented by three
unequal doors. Despite this, tripartite entryways remain an distinguishing
feature of Roman Catholic architecture. Protestant churches, rarely had more
than two doors. This difference is important as it illustrates the extent to
which architectural symbolism differed between Roman Catholics and other
Christian confessions. In contrast, Anglicans maintained that Trinitarian
symbolism was inappropriate on the facade of a church.46 They believed that
the western end of a church to be sacred to the memory of the incarnation47 and that the
duality of Christ’s nature should symbolized by a pair of arched windows in the
facade of the church.
Several types of facades can be identified.
Two types draw on earlier prototypes closely associated with the church
building traditions of French Canadian and Irish Roman Catholics. Frequently,
French Canadian parishes48 continued an architectural tradition popular
in Quebec since the days of the French regime (Fig. 3). On the ground floor a
central doorway was flanked to either side by two lesser doors. These doors
stood in round headed archways, the upper portion of which was usually filled
with a window. Above the doors were windows, statue niches or a combination of
both. These facades were frequently pierced
by an oculus, or small round window, just below the apex of the gable end. A
bell turret or steeple was set back slightly in retreat of the facade. To accentuate
the facade, acroterion usually in the form of small sculpted torches, trophies
or turrets, were often added to either end of the gable base. A cross was
placed on the uppermost point of the building.
A second type was more common to the
churches of Anglo or Irish parishes.49 Although many of
these churches were built in a variant of the gothic style, they do not
represent an attempt to revive medieval prototypes. Instead, the facades of
these Catholic churches were stylistically much closer to a type commonly used
by Anglican church builders, prior to influence of gothic revivalists during
the mid nineteenth century. The elongated body of the main building was
preceded by a large central tower (Fig. 5). The church was entered through the
base of the tower which also served as a vestibule. Occasionally there were
lesser entryways on either side of the facade. The bell was usually housed in
the tower itself. When there was no tower, a small belfry was built above the
main facade. Lofty spires were rare, although acroterion, were often added to
accentuate the corners of the facade. Again the uppermost point of the church
building was marked by a cross.
With the emergence of a new facade type
during the fourth quarter of the nineteenth century, architectural continuity
among the facades of Roman Catholic churches in the Ottawa Valley became much
greater. This third type is notable primarily for its monumentality. It could
be easily adapted to several different stylistic prototypes. The facade was
always raised by several steps above the surrounding site. A characteristic
feature was a colossal central tower (Fig. 6). This tower, different from that
of the Anglo-Irish type, was often only slightly in relief of the main facade
of which it remained an integral part. In keeping with the earlier formulas,
the principal door was centered on the longitudinal axis of the central nave,
and flanked to either side by two lesser entries. The main door was surmounted by
a large central window, the side doors by lesser windows. The principal window
was in turn surmounted by a small rose window or a single arched window. As the
principal doorway was centered in the tower, it stood slightly in relief of the
other entries.50 This large central tower that rose from the facade traditionally
supported a bell tower and steeple. Above, at the greatest height was a large
cross. At the base of the roof, on either side of the facade, earlier
acroterion developed into pinnacles (Fig. 7). This arrangement was intended to
recall or prefigure the candles and tabernacle of the high altar, or as Mgr. Barbier
de Montault noted, “Par honneur pour la croix... des chandeliers se
dressent à la base et sur les rampants.”51 In many churches where the
nineteenth century internal decor has survived, there is considerable stylistic
unity between the facade and the architectonic volumes or built structure, of
the high altar (Fig. 8 & 9). This was a very deliberate decision, and
reflected a theory prevalent in the nineteenth century that the facade of a
church should forecast the activities held within the building.52
In recognition of its importance, the
facade was usually built with superior quality material. It was frequently
slightly wider than the main body of the church. However, in their quest for
monumental facades, Roman Catholic church builders in the Ottawa Valley rarely
used elements of military architecture such as crenellations or embattled parapets
that could be seen on some Protestant churches.53
III. The Quadratum Populi
The quadratum populi was the place
inside a church where the faithful gathered to worship. Throughout the
nineteenth century, Roman Catholics in the Ottawa Valley worshipped in an
atmosphere that was distinctly different from their Protestant neighbors.
Although all Christian churches built in the Ottawa Valley during the first
half of the nineteenth century were marked by an austere simplicity, Roman
Catholics differed from their Protestant neighbours in that the installation of
the fourteen stations of the cross was considered to be an important step towards
the completion of a church.54 Furthermore, in Roman Catholic parishes an
effort was usually made to acquire a suitable statue of their patron saint.
The middle years of the nineteenth century
was an age of rapid growth and many congregations optimistically looked forward
to an increased membership expansion. To accommodate these future requirements,
allowance was made for galleries, or small balconies to be built along the
lateral walls of the quadratum populi, or across the inner face of the main
entry. Gallery seats were always considerably less desirable than those near
the front of the church and were rented for a fraction of the price,55 still they
provided an expanding population with practical and economical church
accommodation.56 Galleries, were also used by most Protestant denominations but were
rejected by Anglicans during the second half of the nineteenth century.57 There was however,
one subject on which all Roman Catholic and Protestant congregations in the
Ottawa Valley were in agreement. Many European authors of architectural
treatises (on the Church of Rome or the Church of England) did not hesitate to
malign the presence of a furnace.58 The installation of a furnace in any Ottawa
Valley church, by all accounts, was hailed as a definite sign of progress.
When Anglican church builders, introduced a
number of structural modifications during the middle years of the nineteenth
century, they were accused by other Protestants of building Roman Catholic
style churches.59 Many of those who objected had never seen the inside of a Roman
Catholic church and believed them to be shadowy and dark, places filled with
idolatrous image and superstitious practices. However, at the same time that
low walls and small windows with stained glass were darkening Anglican
churches, Catholic churches builders were actually being encouraged to build
churches with higher walls, larger windows and brighter interiors. “Nous
repoussons formellement le système prétendu mystique des églises sombres.
Elles ont la double inconvenience d’entretenir une fraicheur malsaine et
d’empêcher de lire commodément. Or, de nos jours tout le monde tient à lire
pendant les saints offices.”60 By the second half of the nineteenth century,
the lateral walls of the quadratum populi were rising to unprecedented
heights as Catholics sought to build brighter, better lit interiors.61 The windows along
the lateral walls of the quadratum populi were now both tall and wide
(Fig. 1). Stylistically, they could be either round-headed or gothic, although
rectangular windows were considered too secular and were not acceptable.62 Window glass was
usually colored to some extent. Clearer tones of translucent glass were
dominant, while deeper shades were habitually used for borders or concentrated
in central medallions.63 This arrangement interrupted intrusion from
the outside world but still allowed for brighter, well lit interiors.
Due to financial restrictions, completion
of the church interior was, for many parishes, not an integral part of the original
construction project.64 Unfortunately there is little surviving
evidence about early interiors, which for the most part, appear to have been
plain, and painted in equally plain colors or white-washed. However, by the
second half of the nineteenth century, many congregations were in a position to
invest their church buildings with greater financial resources. In Roman Catholic
communities this increased prosperity was frequently expressed through the
completion of architectural interiors and the decoration of the church
interior. Consequently, a number of churches that were built during the first
half of the nineteenth century have architectural interiors that date from the
second half of the nineteenth century. The most conspicuous example of this is
the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Ottawa.65 In 1864, concerned
with ever escalating costs and other more pressing needs for his limited
financial resources, Mgr. Guigues put a stop to all work on the Cathedral. It
was not until fourteen years later under the orders of Mgr. Duhamel, second
Bishop of Ottawa, that work on the interior of the cathedral was resumed and
finally
completed in
1887.66 Similar projects existed although on a lesser scale in many other
parishes. One of the earliest preserved examples of this can be seen at the Our
Lady of the Visitation in South Gloucester. This rural church is roughly
contemporary to Notre-Dame Cathedral in that the external Gothic shell was
built during the late 1840s and the interior fittings were installed during the
1860s and 1870s. Similarly many Catholic congregations that built new churches
during the second half of the century did not include completion of the
interior as an integral part of the initial building campaign. This is
illustrated by the ongoing work in large urban churches such as St. Patrick’s
built in Ottawa during the early 1870s, as well as in smaller rural parish
churches such as St-Isidore-de-Prescott and the church in St-Eugène
In decorating their churches, Ottawa Valley
Catholics drew on a rich and varied repertoire of visual imagery.67 Christological
monograms, figurative images and aniconic symbols including crosses, trefoils
and quatrefoils were used in abundance. Plastered moldings, painted ceilings
and decorative pressed tin wall coverings also enjoyed considerable popularity.68 In some churches
no surface was left undecorated. Even the iron columns were painted to resemble
coloured marble.
Catholics also decorated the ceilings of
their churches. In fact, during the nineteenth century, the only ornate and
richly embellished ceilings to be found in Ottawa Valley churches were in
Catholic churches.69 These ceilings were often an eclectic
combination of religious tradition, personal devotion and energetic celebration
of faith. They were often historicized or decorated with religious symbols or
pictures of saints (Fig. 9). This type of ceiling was considered completely
unacceptable by local Protestant church builders of this period. The decorative
wooded vaults such as those designed by the Rev. Bouillon, and now on display
in the National Gallery of Canada, can be seen as distinctly Roman Catholic.
During the final quarter of the nineteenth century, Roman Catholics increased
their efforts to enrich their churches with statues, paintings70 and stations of
the cross71 These additions were
seen to encourage personal piety and promote devotional practices.72
Amid the considerable and varied efforts to
beautify the interior of Roman Catholic churches there is one distinguishing
characteristic that is noticeable in almost every church. This is the attempt
made by Catholic church builders to create an atmosphere of vertical
ascension. This continued a movement already begun with the elevated site of the
church and the upward momentum of the facade. Inside the impression of vertical
ascension was achieved primarily through the retention of a basilical type
floor plan. This was true even if the pillars of the central colonnades were
structurally redundant. Slender colonnettes were added to the principal
columns and used to complement the upwards towards the molding of the arcade.
Gothic arches were often used to draw the eye upwards to the ribbing of the
vaults and the apex of the church. Invariably the vaults were of painted
plaster (Fig. 4). By the latter decades of the nineteenth century, Roman
Catholic church builders were turning more and more to the Classical features.
Increasingly, elements reflective of a new interest for Italian culture were introduced.
Pointed arches disappeared in favour of barrel vaults with banding, saucer
domes, Classical columns, imposts, and Classical frontons above side altars.
Quadripartite and sexpartite rib vaults with starred vault fields give way to
ornate Italianate plastering and historiographed ceilings with a much expanded
use of figural imagery.73 While a defining characteristic of the Roman
Catholic, the effort to embellish, and not the style of the embellishment, was
characteristically Roman Catholic.
IV. Sanctuaries
A generous and privileged space had always
been set aside for the sanctuary, even in the poorest Catholic church. This
denotes an important difference between Roman Catholic and Protestant
liturgical priority. In Roman Catholic tradition, all other liturgical
activity was subordinate to the Mass. The Eucharist, as focal point of the Mass
was by extension to be the focal point of the church. The frequency, primacy
and substance of the Roman Catholic Eucharistic celebration, justified the
dedication of significant architectural space to this purpose. This emphasis
again distinguished Roman Catholic practice from contemporary Protestant
practice in which, despite doctrinal diversity, Communion services of all
denominations were held infrequently. In many Protestant communities, the
Eucharist was celebrated only several times a year. Much more significance,
(both in terms of liturgy and architecture) was attached to the reading and
the preaching of the scriptures. The Eucharist was understood as a commemorative
re-enactment of the Last Supper, and did not involve transubstantiation or
require tabernacles for the storage of consecrated material.
By the second half of the nineteenth
century, most sanctuaries were housed in architecturally distinct chancels.74 This was also true
of many Anglican churches. However in Catholic churches, sanctuaries were
becoming wider and more open. Although a low communion rail were retained to
define physical boundaries of the sanctuary, Roman Catholic church builders
were careful to avoid any form of visual obstruction between the people and the
Eucharistic celebration.75 Chancel arches were kept as open as possible
and in many instances were avoided all together.76 Organs were
considered a desirable addition to any church. However, Roman Catholic churches
excluded organs from the sanctuary.77 In Roman Catholic
churches, the organ was placed in a loft above the main entry, in contrast to
many Protestant churches where the organ was often located inside the
sanctuary.
The focal point of a Roman Catholic
sanctuary, was a central altar on raised on a platform. This spot marked a
privileged place within a space already set apart.78 Contrary to
Protestant communion tables, Catholic altars were “built” and were therefore
large immobile constructions.79 The altar supported a tabernacle, which was
often monumental and ornately decorated. In most parishes, a certain degree of
stylistic continuity was maintained between the main altar and the facade.
Churches with gothic doors and windows usually had gothic style altars.
Likewise external references to Neoclassic or Italianate tradition were also reflected
in the design of the main altar.80 The tabernacle was to be especially well
maintained. Bishop Duhamel reminded his clergy that a tabernacle was to be
lined with white silk and covered with a white veil or in the appropriate
colours of the liturgical season.81 The chalice was to be kept inside. The
tabernacle was to be locked and accompanied by an illuminated lamp at all
times.82 The wall behind and beside the main altar and tabernacle was often
covered by a reredos or ornamental screen,83which in turn was
fashioned on the main altar. Side altars were often diminutive replicas of the
high altar to which they were subordinate.84
The walls and ceiling of the sanctuary
usually continued the decorative program of the quadratum populi. The decoration of
the sanctuary differed from the decoration in the main body of the church.
Essentially, greater attention and more embellishments were concentrated in
this area.85 Painted texts such as The Lord’s Prayer, The
Apostle’s Creed and the Ten Commandments, all common fare especially in earlier
Anglican churches, were never used to decorate the sanctuaries of Catholic
churches
Beside or behind the sanctuary, was yet
another distinguishing feature of Catholic church architecture, the sacristy.
It was here that all the objects necessary for religious celebrations were
stored. This included books, candles, vestments and even the blessed sacrament.86 The bishop went to
great lengths to ensure the organization and maintenance of the sacristy and
discussion of their upkeep figures prominently in many reports of Episcopal
visits.87 Although housing an altar and tabernacle,88 sacristies rarely
reflected any spatial or stylistic continuity. The architectural elements of
the main church building, and the windows were usually rectangular. As a
result, the sacristy was an important and integral part of a completed church.89
Conclusions
Surviving examples of Catholic churches in the nineteenth century Ottawa Valley present interesting and sometimes eclectic pictures of an important aspect of central Canada’s architectural past. Although Roman Catholics unquestionably took many cues from European prototypes, they showed great determination to adapt the principles of their faith to difficult and varied circumstances. The building of a church clearly was an important priority for most Catholics. While early Catholic churches in the Ottawa Valley distinguished themselves primarily by their great simplicity, they also served as the center or focal point of emerging Roman Catholic communities. Once the temporal affairs of a community became more secure, Roman Catholics demonstrated a definite preference for a powerful, triumphant architecture as an enthusiastic and public expression of their beliefs. For instance, the steeple of the Catholic church, rising above the skyline, eventually became a striking feature of many towns and villages in the Ottawa Valley. This was no accident, for as Mgr. Duhamel, second bishop of Ottawa explained, “L’Église a prééminence sur l’État par son origine, de même qu’elle lui est supérieurre par sa nature, ses moyens et sa fin. La religion et l’Église mettent chaque chose à sa place.”90 Ottawa Valley church builders were clearly ready to translate the words of their bishop into an architectural reality. Furthermore this architectural expression of their belief was uniquely Roman Catholic.
1The author gratefully acknowledges the
generous support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada.
2The Montreal
Gazette, 13 January 1860.
3William Westfall
had pointed out that in the thirty year period between 1851 and 1881, the
Anglicans, Presbyterians and Baptists of Ontario “‘trebled the number of their
churches. The Methodists were even more prolific builders’ the number of their
churches increased by a factor of five,” Two Worlds: The Protestant Culture
of Nineteenth Century Ontario, 1989, (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s
University Press), p. 129.
4Although Ottawa
River is divided by the boarder of Ontario and Quebec, the river itself has
always served to unify rather than divide the social and economic activities of
those living on either shore. As R. Choquette notes, “Aux points de vue social
et économique, la vallée de l’Outaouais constitue donc une entité homogène
centrée sur la rivière des Outaouais; dans leurs activités commerciales et
économiques, ses premiers habitants se fichent éperdument de la frontière
politique qui doit les diviser.” L’Église catholique dans l’Ontario français, du
dix-neuvième siècle, (Ottawa: Les Éditions de l’Université d’Ottawa,
1984), p. 59.
5Included among the
loyalist settlers were Episcopalians, Presbyterians Methodists, Baptists and
Congregationalists. The Rev. Ezra Meach to whom the Lake and Constitutional
Accord owe their name was Congregationalist minister and loyalist settler who
preached on the northern shore of the Ottawa River. Ottawa City Archives,
United Church Records Collection, box 5, 9-Fir-74.
6The demographics of
early French settlement in the Ottawa Valley are discussed fully by R. Choquette
in L’Église
catholique dans l’Ontario français du dix-neuvième siècle, (Ottawa: Les
Éditions de l’Université d'Ottawa, 1984).
7Figures taken from
the census of 1851 indicated that from a population of 86,116 people, 17,301 of
the 40,439 Roman Catholics in the Ottawa Valley were French. Census returns for
1861 indicated that 34,765 of the 72,355 Roman Catholics in the Ottawa Valley
were French. The total population was 141,716. R. Choquette, L’Église catholique dans
l’Ontario français, p. 143
8Mgr. Guigues was
born in France in 1805 and ordained in Marseilles in 1828. In 1844, he arrived
in Canada as acting superior of the Oblates. He was ordained as Bishop of
Bytown by Remi Gaulin, Bishop of Kingston. One of the most comprehensive
discussions of Oblate work in Canada can be found in Gaston Carrière, Dictionnaire biographique
des Oblats de Marie-Immaculée au Canada, vol. I - III, (Ottawa:
Éditions de l’Université d’Ottawa, 1976, 1977, 1979), and Gaston Carrière, Histoire documentaire de
la congrégation des missionnaires Oblats de Marie-Immaculée dans l’Est du
Canada, vol I - XII, (Ottawa: Éditions de l’Université d’Ottawa, 1957-1975).
9The name of Bytown
was changed to Ottawa in 1855 and two years later it was designated as the
national capital. In 1860, the Diocese of Bytown was officially renamed the
Diocese of Ottawa.
10Gaston Carrière,
“Guigues, Joseph-Bruno,” in Mark La Terreur, ed. Dictionary of Canadian
Biography, vol. X, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), p. 322-323.
11Choquette in L’Église catholique dans
l’Ontario français, p. 143.
12Dufresne, C. et
al., “Joseph-Thomas Duhamel,” Dictionnaire de l’Amérique Française, Francophonie
Nord-Américaine hors Québec, (Ottawa: Les Presses de l’Université d’Ottawa,
1988), pp. 129-130,
13To date, few of
these churches have detailed records in the file of the Canadian Inventory of
Historic Buildings, (hereafter C.I.H.B).
14N. Pagé, La
Cathédrale Notre-Dame d’Ottawa, (Ottawa: Les Presses de l’Université d’Ottawa,
1988).
L. Noppen, Au
Musée des beaux-arts du Canada “Une des plus belles chapelles du pays," (Ottawa, Musée
des beaux-arts du Canada, 1988).
16Archives of the
Archdiocese of Ottawa (hereafter A.A.O.), Curran file, 1.5.2. and 1.5.3.
17A.A.O., Richmond
file, 1.5, Annual Reports, 1875-1900.
18Quadratum Populi is used in
preference to the term nave, as unlike nave, it has no architectural
connotations but is simply the place where the laity gather.
19Roman Catholics
were further advantaged by nearly three centuries of churchbuilding experience
in Quebec. A sampling of the diversity of work done on this subject can be seen
in M. Brosseau, Le style néo-gothique dans l’architecture au Canada (Ottawa: Centre
d’édition du Gouvernement du Canada, 1980); A. Gowans, Church architecture
in New France (Toronto: University Press, 1955); G. Morisset, L’Architecture en
NouvelleFrance (Quebec: Carrier et Dugai, 1949); G. Morisset, Les églises et le trésor
de Lotbinière (Quebec: by the author, 1953); G. Morisset, Les églises et le trésor de
Varennes (Quebec: s.n., 1952); Luc Noppen, Les églises du Québec
(1600-1850), (Quebec: Éditeur Officiel du Québec/Fides, 1977); L. Noppen, Notre-Dame de Québec (Quebec: Éditions
du Pélican, 1974); L. Noppen et al, Québec, trois siècles d’architecture (Quebec: Libre
Expression, 1979); P.G. Roy, Les vieilles églises de la province de Québec, 1647-1800 (Quebec:
Imprimeur du Roy, 1925); F.K.B.S. Toker, The Church of Notre-Dame in
Montreal (Montreal &
Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1970); R. Traquair, The Old
Architecture of Quebec (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada, 1947); M. Trudel,
“Les églises ont-elles souffert de la conquête?” Revue d’histoire de
l’Amérique française vol. VII, no. 1, June 1954, pp. 25-71; L. Voyer, Églises
disparues (Quebec: Libre Expression, 1981); D. Tremblay, “Caractères et tendances
de l’architecture religieuse dans le Québec,” Journal of the Royal Architectural
Institute of Canada (June 1952), no. 323 pp. 228-230.
20B. Little, Catholic
Churches Since 1623: A Study of Roman Catholic Churches in England and Wales
from Penal Times to the Present Decade (London: Robert Hale, 1966), p. 38.
21Alexis de
Barbezieux, Histoire de la Province Ecclésiastique d’Ottawa, (Ottawa: La Cie,
1897), tome I, p. 201.
22A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Argenteuil, le 5 juin, 1875.
23As Alexis de
Barbezieux noted: an Anglican church for their English soldiers, a Presbyterian
church for Scottish soldiers, and a Catholic church for the Irish soldiers.
Each usually received two acres for a rectory, four acres for a church and six
acres for a cemetery. Barbezieux, Histoire de la Province Ecclésiastique d'Ottawa, p. 111.
24A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Notre Dame de Laus, 1875.
25There was a certain
degree of flexibility especially when it was certain that the deed would be
forthcoming. In South Gloucester, work towards the construction of Our Lady of
the Visitation appears to have started in 1845, however, the actual land deed
is from 1846. A.A.O., Gloucester file, fol. 2.
26A.A.O., Letter
from Mr. Hamelin to Mgr. Guigues, Bishop of Ottawa, 28 September 1864, Alfred,
file, 1.1.7.
27A.A.O., Letter
from Philippe Gareau to Mgr. Guigues, 14 October 1858, Curran, file, 1-8-1.
28In Renfrew,
Ontario, Xavier Plant gave land for church building not only to his fellow
Roman Catholics but also to the Anglicans, the Episcopal Methodists and the
Presbyterians. C. Bennett, The Story of Renfrew (Renfrew: Juniper Books,
1984), pp. 180189. In Aylmer, Quebec, Charles Symmes gave land to both the
Anglicans and the Roman Catholics to build their churches although he himself
was a Presbyterian. R. Jefferson, Faith of our Fathers. The Story of the
Diocese of Ottawa (Ottawa: The Anglican Book Society, 1956), p. 158.
29Devie, Manuel des connaissances
utiles aux ecclésiastiques sur divers objets d’art notamment sur l’architecture
des édifices religieux anciens et modernes, et sur les construction et
réparation d’églises, avec plans et dessins lithographiés, (Lyons: L. Lesne
1843), p. 302, quotes Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Origen, and Gregory of Nice as
all mentioning that Christians turned to the east to pray. Devie does point out
however that St. Peter’s in Rome does not conform to this orientation.
30St-Bernard in
Fournier, Ont. offers an excellent example of this double orientation. The
church is built on a raised bank and set well back from the main road, its
principle facade opens towards the roadway (north-east), and is accessible by a
sweeping semicircular drive. Immediately behind and to the sides of the church,
all the grave markers in the cemetery face the rising sun.
31Devie, Manuel de connaissances
utiles,
p. 300; Mgr. X. Barbier de Montault, Traité Pratique de la construction, de
l’ameublement et de la décoration des Églises selon les règles canoniques et
les traditions romaines, (Paris: Louis Vivès, 1878), p. 12.
32Devie, Manuel des connaissances
utiles,
p. 301.
33Barbier de Montault
noted that high ground figured prominently in many well known biblical passages
and reminded potential church builders that Abraham was tested on a mountain in
the land of Moriah, (Genesis XX verses 1-14), and that it was on Mount Sinai
that Moses received the Law, (Exodus XXXIV, verses 1-4). He also pointed out
that the miracle of the loaves and fishes was performed on a hillside (John VI,
verse 3), Jesus withdrew to the mountains to pray and preach, (Matthew V,
verses 1-10), and that the Transfiguration occurred on a mountain, (Mark IX,
verse 2). Traité Pratique de la construction, p. 12.
34A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St. Joachim, 1878.
35This practice is
mentioned frequently in reports of the Mgr. Duhamel’s visits to various small
parishes. A.A.O., Mgr. Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, 1875-1889.
36Although Anglicans
made use of union churches, the practice was frowned on by some as the sign of
a “stingy” congregation. The Canadian Churchman, April 6th, 1864.
37A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, 1875. Episcopal visit to Ange
Gardien. Although it was not a common practice Catholics, would occasionally
purchase a church building from another denomination.
38It is a fine well
balanced nicely proportioned church, although the blind clerestory is unusual.
39N. Pagé, La
Cathédrale Notre Dame d’Ottawa, p. 130.
40In the
correspondences of Mgr. Guigues, there is a contract that details architectural
specifications of the construction of an unnamed church, “Spécifications d’une
Église à bâtir pour Mgr. l’Évêque d'Ottawa,” 1873, A.A.O., G1-1-14-1.
41A.A.O.,Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, contains numerous recommendations
for improvements, modifications and new installations and repairs.
42See St. Michael,
Fitzroy Harbor, (1869); A..A.O., Pakenham, file F, St. Pierre Célestien,
Pakenham, (1852), (now lost).
43A.A.O., L’Orignal
file F. 1.2.13, St-Jean-Baptiste, L’Orignal, (1853) and Curran file F.1.2.7.
St-Luc, Curran, (1863), both churches are now lost.
44A notable exception
is the church of St-Pierre-de-Celéstine in Pakenham, which could arguably be
considered a variant of the single central entry formula, and the second church
of St-Joseph in Orleans, now lost.
45Barbier de
Montault, Traité Pratique, p. 44.
46By this, they
always meant the facade.
47This is pointed out
in a number of XIXth century publications including J. M.. Neale and B. Webb’s
introductory essay to G. Durandus, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, (Leeds:
T.W. Green, 1843),p. 29; G. A.. Poole’s, Churches: their structure,
arrangement and decoration, (London: J. Burns, 1846), p. 34 and in T. P.
Gamier’s Church Symbolism, (London: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1876), p. 30. Frequently quoted is John 10: 9: “I am the door: by Me
if any man enter in he shall be saved.”
48See, St. Anne,
Ottawa (1873) C.I.H.B. Archives, File 061070026-00530, and St. Dominique,
Luskville (1884), C.I.H.B. Archives, File 050046000-00052. Both St. Anne and
St. Dominique are well preserved.
49See St. Philip in
Richmond (1858); St. Catherine, Metcalfe (1859) and St. Mary in Almonte (1869).
50See St. Paul,
Plantagenet, (1877); St-Laurent, Carlesbad Springs, (1885); Mayo, Our Lady of
Malacky, (1890); St. Hughes, Sarsfield, (1894).
51Barbier de Montault, Traité
Pratique, pp. 43-4.
52“La façade a un
importance capitale, car c’est par elle que l’église s’annonce dès l’abord. La
tradition veut qu’elle soit plus ornée que toute autre partie exterieure de
l’édifice,’ Barbier de Montault, Traité Pratique, p. 43.
53Anglican and
Presbyterian church builders had made frequent use of crenellations and
embattled parapets especially during the first half of the nineteenth century.
Although these features continued to gain popularity with Presbyterian church
builders, “battlements,” were denounced as “trumpery” in 1851 by the Anglican
Bishop of Quebec and rapidly disappeared from Anglican churches. J. C; Quebec,
“Circular To the Clergy of the Diocese of Quebec, No. 1.” Canadian
Ecclesiastical Gazette, vol. 1. no. 8. January, 1851.
54A.A.O., South
Gloucester Collection, 5-1. Letter of 17 October 1855 to Mgr. Guigues,
concerning installation of the Stations of the Cross.
55At the church in
St. Albert, the galleries were a source of chagrin, not so much for the
impecunious occupants of the galleries themselves, but for those in the more
costly seats below. The church, a log structure only 25’ x 25’ had fitted with
rough plank galleries to accommodate a growing population. However, during the
winter months melting snow from the boots of those in the galleries would drip
through the floor boards onto the heads of the more prosperous parishioners
seated below. L. Brault, Histoire des Comtés unis de Prescott et de Russell, (L’Orignal, 1965), p.
193.
56A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, 1877, Buckingham; 1878, Douglas; 1878,
Eganville etc., all discuss installation of galleries.
57Although they were
used by other denominations. The Canada Christian Advocate, June 23rd,
1845, and Norman Fee, Knox Presbyterian Church Centenary: A History of the
Congregation, (Ottawa: Mortimer Ltd, 1944), p. 28.
58“‘Le calorifère
semble être devenu une nécessité à notre époque, où l’on aime que la dévotion
ait toutes ses aises.’ On a encore la prétention de croire qu’en couronnant
d’une croix cet étrange hors-d’oeuvre, on le transforme immédiatement en un
meuble religieux! Illusion! Aberration! O les industriels! Qui les chassera du
saint lieu?” Barbier de Montault, Traité Pratique, pp. 73-4.
59Influenced
primarily by Canadian Ecclesiology and Gothic revivalists, Anglican church
builders had adopted a number of significant architectural modifications. The
walls of their churches were now very low, this had diminished the size of the
windows and consequently the effected level of light., see for example, See St.
Paul's Almonte, (1864); St. Alban's Ottawa, (1866); St. Bartholomew's Ottawa,
(1868). Furthermore, Anglicans now filled many of there small windows of their
churches with deeply stained glass and religious imagery.
60A striking example
of this can be seen in a photograph (c. 1895) depicting the original church of
St. Huges, Sarsfield (1867), and the new church under construction immediately
beside it. Though incomplete, the walls of the new church rise well above the
roof crest of the older building. A.A.O., Sarsfield, file, fol. F.
61Barbier de
Montault, Traité Pratique, p. 55.
62Unlike many of
their Anglican neighbors, Ottawa Valley Roman Catholics do not appear to have
believed that gothic was the only style suitable for the building of Christian
churches.
63The bright
interiors of Our Lady of the Visitation, South Gloucester; St-Isidorede-Prescott,
Prescott; St. Isidore, South March; St. Paul, Plantagenet; and Our Lady of
Malacky in Mayo, are good examples of this.
64The church of Our
Lady of the Visitation, South Gloucester, was built in 1849, however, the
interior decor was not finished until the 1860s.
65Perhaps the most
striking example of this is the interior decoration of Notre-Dame, in Ottawa.
In 1864, Mgr. Guigues put a stop to work inside the Cathedral, and decoration
did not resume until 1878, four years after his death. Pagé, Norman. La
Cathédrale Notre-Dame d’Ottawa, p. 130.
66In 1864 Mgr.
Guigues put a stop to work inside the Cathedral, and decoration was not resumed
until 1878, four years after his death. N. Pagé, Notre Dame d’Ottawa, p. 130.
67A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St. Colomba, Pembroke, 1877.
68A fine sampling of
such work is preserved in Our Lady of Malacky, Mayo.
69Good examples of
ornate, but largely aniconic vaulting can be seen in St. Jacques, Embrun,
(wood), and St-François-de-Sale, Gatineau, (plaster).
70“Nous avons vu avec
plaisir que Monsieur le Curé avait eu l’heureuse idée de décorer l’église de
jolis tableaux à l’huile du Sacré-Coeur de Jésus et du Saint-Coeur-deMarie et
de quatre magnifiques statuettes. L’église est porservir [sic] d’ornements fort
convenables et les offices religieux sont dignes de la majesté de Dieu.” A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St-Grégoire, Buckingham, 1875.
71A.A.O., Gloucester, file
3. St. Catherine, Metcalfe.
72"M. le Curé
a su trouver le moyen d’exciter la pieté de ses paroissiens envers ses trois
grands saints et il est très édifiant de les voir s’agenouiller alternativement
devant leurs statues et prier avec attention et piété.” A.A.O., Mgr. Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Notre-Dame-de-Bonsecours, Montebello, 1877.
73This trend
continues well beyond the nineteenth century. In Plantagenet the earlier Gothic
church was eventually remodeled to be as un-Gothic as possible. While the exterior
stone shell of the church has retained its Gothic windows, (which would have
been difficult and expensive to change) the interior window frames were re
plastered and replaced by round headed windows. Inside, the unusual
configuration of the spandrels of the colonnade suggest that gothic arches may
again have been plastered over.
74A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St. Malachy, 29 June 1875. St. Mary,
Almonte; St. Laurent, Carlsbad Springs; St-Bernard, Fournier; St. Luc, Curran;
St-Jean-l’Évangeliste, Thurso; Our Lady of Malacky, Mayo also illustrate the wide
range of stylistic possibilities.
75A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St-Casimir, Ripon, le 22 juin 1875.
76 A.A.O., Curran
file F. 1.2.9.
77A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Almonte, 1878.
78Barbier be
Montault, Traité Pratique, pp. 145-6.
79A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Almonte, 1874; Duhamel, R.V.E., Ange Gardien,
1879.
80A.A.O., Fournier,
file F. 1.2.12; Curran, file F. 1.2.9.
81“Le ciboire doit
être couvert d’un voile blanc qui ne doit pas retomber tout à fait jusqu’au
pied du ciboire. L’intérieur du tabernacle doit être garni d’une étoffe de soie
blanche et l’extérieur doit être couvert d’un voile blanc ou mieux encore de la
coleur du jour.” A.A.O., Mandements et Circulaires des Évêques d’Ottawa, Duhamel,
Circulaire au Clergé, le 16 Mai, 1875; Duhamel, Registre des Visites
Épiscopales, Notre-Dame-du-Mont-Carmel, La Passe, le 28 juin, 1875.
82In 1878, a priest
in Richmond was stiffly reprimanded by Mgr. Duhamel for not keeping the Blessed
Sacrament in the tabernacle. Ottawa, A.A.O., Duhamel, Registre des Visites
Épiscopales, 1878.
83One of the best
known examples of a nineteenth century reredos from the Ottawa Valley is an
elegant wooden screen designed by Cannon Georges Bouillon for the Rideau Street
Convent Chapel in Ottawa. The interior architecture of this chapel, including
the reredos, altars and sculpted ceiling vaults are currently preserved in the
National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. A much more spectacular nineteenth century
reredos can be seen in the cathedral of Notre-Dame, also in Ottawa. Here, the
same architect, Bouillon lined the entire sanctuary of the Cathedral with a
monumental wooden screen. Centering his work a figure of Christ in Majesty
above the main altar, Bouillon filled the rest of the screen with sculpted
figures of prophets, saints and patriarchs. The importance of this work and its
iconographic program are discussed in detail in N. Pagé, La Cathédrale
Notre-Dame d’Ottawa, pp. 106-126.
84A good example of
this can still be seen at St-Bernard in Fournier, where the belfry and the
tabernacle of the main altar similarly shaped.
85A.A.O., file F.
1-2-17; F. 1-2-29; F. 1-2-30.
86A.A.O., Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St. Mary of Burdenell, 1876.
87A.A.O., Mgr.
Duhamel, Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Ste-Brigitte, Onslow, January 19,
1875; St-Martin, Low, 1879.
88A.A.O., Mgr. Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, Ste-Catherine, Metcalfe, June 12-13, 1876.
89A.A.O., Mgr. Duhamel,
Registre des Visites Épiscopales, St-Jean-Baptiste, L’Orignal, 1876;
St-Gabriel, Springtown, 24 Jan. 1875; Ste-Celestine, Pahenham, 13 Feb. 1876.
90 A.A.O., Mandements et
Circulaires, Duhamel, 3e Serie, No. 14, 1886, pp.150-60.