CCHA, Study Sessions, 50 (1983) 499-511
Some Remarks on
Immigrant Experience
by Aloysius M. AMBROZIC
Auxiliary Bishop
of the Archdiocese of Toronto
I ought to begin this
article by informing the reader that I came to Canada from my native Slovenia
(Jugoslavia) at the age of eighteen, and that by "immigrant" I mean a
person who leaves his native land after the age of seven or eight and settles
in a country which speaks a different language. As introduction, I wish to tell
you two stories and quote a passage from a novel. The first story is about a
phone-call I received a few years ago in which a soft feminine voice told me
her name and informed me that she had been appointed by the University of Toronto
to foster contacts with ethnic communities. As soon as I heard this I broke out
laughing.
Become aware of the offended silence on the other side, I
hastened to apologize and to explain my laughter by pointing to my surprise at
the fact that the University of Toronto would deign to recognize the presence
of immigrants – after their being on its door-step for some hundred and thirty
years.
The second story is about a very intelligent and articulate
Catholic woman, who told me that I was rather difficult to fathom. One reason
for this was my opting for what in Toronto goes for a rather small parish when
as a Bishop I could have had a larger one, and as an immigrant I would
naturally want a rich one. I am certain she had no idea how offensive this
unwitting display of native-born superiority really was.
The literary reference is to Vladimir Nabokov’s Pnin (1953), the story of a
Russian professor in the U.S. The final scene in the book is as follows:
“Hardly
had I taken a couple of steps when a great truck carrying beer rumbled up the
street, immediately followed by a small pale blue sedan with the white head of
a dog looking out, after which came another great truck, exactly similar to the
first. The humble sedan was crammed with bundles and suitcases; its driver was
Pnin” (pp. 190-191).
I cannot help but see in
Pnin’s car, untidily filled with all sorts of possessions, an intended symbol
of the immigrant's erratic existence, caught between two self-assured
civilizations, that of the country which he had left and that of the country in
which he lives.
1. MELTING POT,
MULTICULTURALISM, ASSIMILATION
a. Inadequacies of
these views
In this book Protestant - Catholic - Jew: An Essay in
American Religious Sociology (1955), Will Herberg touches on the 19th century
discussion about the kind of nation America ought to become. One pole of this
discussion was the melting pot theorists, the other the defenders of pluralism.
“The ideologists of the
melting pot looked forward to a racial and cultural blending of all immigrant
strains into a new synthesis... In sharp opposition, the nationalists agitated
for the perpetuation of the ethnic communities as integral parts of American
society; they often called it pluralism, but what they had in mind, whether
they knew it or not, was the transplanting of the European multinational,
multicultural society in America. Neither the assimilationists of the
melting-pot nor the ethnic champions of pluralism gaged aright the dynamics of
American life” (p. 32).
While the champions of
pluralism turned out to be quite mistaken, since “cultural assimilation began
almost as soon as the immigrant touched these shores,” it would also be
mistaken to ascribe victory to the protagonists of the melting pot ideal, for
the American’s image of himself is not “"a composite or synthesis of the
ethnic elements that have gone into the making of the American.” Rather, “the
American’s image of himself is still the Anglo-American ideal it was at the
beginning of our independent existence” (pp. 32-33). Myrna Kostash, a second
generation Ukrainian Canadian, would agree with Herberg:
“English is our mother
tongue. Our understanding of the Ukrainian language is imperfect and our speech
even worse. (If we are successful writers, speakers, teachers, actors and
editors, it’s because we have mastered the English language and excelled as
members of an Anglophone
community.) Not many of us bother going to church regularly, still less to a
Ukrainian one and, when we do bother to observe an ethnic, religious festival,
it’s by means of a sentimental flurry at Christmas and at Easter. We are
ignorant of and indifferent to Ukrainian history. We don’t feel prejudiced
against as Ukrainians and have better things to do with our time than
participate in an ethnic organisation blathering on about ‘discrimination’ and
‘rights’. We feel as Canadian as, and sometimes even more Canadian than, the
next guy and, even if we aren’t in the ruling class, we don’t feel very hard
done by. We enjoy Ukrainian music, dance, crafts and food but not much more
than we enjoy Chinese food and classical ballet and much less than American
movies and rock’n roll. The national origin of the person we marry is
immaterial to our well being.”.1
Will Herberg thinks, or thought in 1955, that the
decreasing ethnic self-identification of large numbers of Americans is giving
way to the triple melting pot of religious identification, of Protestants,
Catholics and Jews. He may have been somewhat too quick, however, in relegating
the ethnic consciousness of many to the past. Such a book as Michael Novak’s, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the 70’s, (1972), though it may
exaggerate at times, indicates that ethnic sensitivity and ways of perceiving
reality do not disappear as easily as it seems and that, even if the language
is long forgotten or unknown, family traditions, attitudes, humour and other
traits persist much longer. The same is shown by Richard Gambino in Blood of My Blood:
The Dilemma of the Italian-Americans (1974): the assimilation has not been as thorough as
some tend to believe.
Though Stephen Steinberg has quite rightly questioned some of
the exaggerations of those who have written about the persistence of ethnicity
in America in his recent The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America
(1981), he
can, I feel, be accused of an ideological one-sidedness which makes him unable
to perceive and appreciate the fact that survival of ethnic behaviour patterns
is not due solely to the poverty of some ethnics and the confining power of
nativist prejudice. There are attitudes which are, much too deeply ingrained to
disappear in one or two generations, and this despite their having been
separated from their natural habitat. Both Steinberg and Kostash can be accused
of seeing continuing ethnic national sentiments merely as outgrowth of material
or social conditioning; those who experience these sentiments know they are
much deeper and more “disinterested” than Steinberg and Kostash would allow.
In Canada we can foresee a development similar to that of the
U.S., with the distinction that in Canada there are two foundational cultures.
Our present policy of multiculturalism
is, for all its vagueness, an immensely useful phenomenon, not as a programme
for the future shape of Canada primarily but as a means of palliating social
and psychic pressures and of preventing complexes in the immigrants and their
children. It will undoubtedly contribute to the preservation of certain cultural
elements, in ways which we cannot as yet perceive and explore.
It is obvious, of course, that only two cultures have any chance
of survival as recognizable entities, namely, the English and the French. To
live, a culture needs a population inhabiting a definite territory, an economic
base, an educational system, a media network, etc. – in Canada it is only the
English and the French, and possibly the Indian and Eskimo cultures which have
these means at their disposal. Harsh as it may sound, it must be said that
other cultures will disappear as independent and recognizable realities, if
immigration ceases:
“...the cruel point, which
has the force of a brute fact of nature, is that a transplanted culture is a
doomed one which dies visibly day by day. Literally: writers and their audience
died; their ranks were not replenished; children in exile did not grow up into
the language and culture of their parents but rather into that of their hosts.”2
Nonetheless
a number of thought and behaviour patterns cannot help but survive and seep
into the dominant cultures. Should immigration cease, these patterns will cease
to be associated with their countries and cultures of origin and will become
part and parcel of Canadian existence.
It would seem fair to say that no description of the immigrant
fact has yet been produced which does justice to it. Neither is the melting pot
theory adequate nor that of multiculturalism; nor does it seem that
assimilation is what takes place, no matter how credible it is on the surface.
I have no theory to offer beyond suggesting that each of the
three contains some truth. I would wish, however, to indicate one element which
seems to be missing.
b. A missing
element
Besides their being inadequate descriptions of what
happens to the immigrant in North America, I feel that the three theories
suffer from another weakness: they are being formulated from the point of view
of the country of adoption and/or the country of origin. These do not look at
the immigrant himself, precisely as immigrant. Instead, they look upon him
primarily as an extension of themselves, as material to be shaped according to
their wishes and needs; they impose upon him their own expectations and ideals.
The immigrant seems to be, like Prof. Timofey Pnin’s little car, squeezed
between two heavy-laden beer trucks. The country of origin may look upon him
with a certain amount of sadness as lost human potential; or it may look upon
him as a possible source of economic or political advantage; it sees him
growing quaint as his language tends to remain stagnant, tinged by dialect and
more and more awkward. The new country tends to see him as new human material
to be shaped and moulded into its own patterns, as a threat, as someone to be
tolerated and utilized or, somewhat condescendingly, as contributing something
of his own to his new home.
Yet this is hardly the way in which the immigrant looks upon
himself. To make a personal remark, I am somewhat tired of the statements
issuing from the lips of our leading personalities who tell ethnic gatherings
how much ethnic groups are contributing to Canada. What annoys me more,
however, is the willingness of many ethnics to squirm pleasurably whenever such
compliments are made.
2. IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCING
HIMSELF
The question we ought to ask is how the immigrant experiences
himself, his life in the new country, his relationship to the new country and
the country of origin, his needs and expectations, etc. Yet as soon as I make
this suggestion I hesitate, since the immigrant’s conceptualization and
articulation of himself, his life and his relationships are generally
determined by the culture he has left and the culture into which he has
arrived. The thoughts and words by means of which he expresses himself to
himself and to others are provided by the environments into which he has been
placed. These environments, however, being stable and growing organically, cannot
provide him with thought-categories which neatly fit his experience. To give an
example, the immigrant will, indeed, contribute to the new country, but only on
condition that he devotes no energies to it. For in order to have something to
contribute he must, at the early stages of his immigrant existence, concentrate
on remaining himself, on retaining the culture in which he was nurtured, and on
keeping it alive for his children. Should he wish to contribute to his new
homeland from the very beginning, he will try to please his hosts and thus lose
his identity and whatever he might have to contribute. Another example I recall
the weepy literature about immigrants I read in my pre-immigrant days; I smile
at the thought of it, for I fail to experience the great sense of loss or
alienation from my roots depicted in those novels and poems; I do not pine
away, longing for another sight of the valley in which I grew up. Before I wax
too ironic, however, I must hasten to admit there are strings in my being which
will throb only to the strains of Slovenia.
The difficulty is that nobody sets out to be an immigrant, in
the sense of being a transitional being. No one is born as an immigrant and no
one reproduces himself as such. It is a fate imposed on him, remaining very
much his own. As immigrant he is understood fully neither by his father nor by
his child, for they are both born into stable societies, and are not obliged to
uproot themselves and begin a new existence in a foreign country. Thus the
immigrant is not inclined to search for new categories to describe himself and
his existence, nor do others help him to do this. He is, furthermore, generally
much too busy making a living to indulge in introspection. Social sciences,
psychology as well as history presuppose a certain stability; highly aware as
they might be of change, progress and development, they seek, and because they
seek they find, the permanent and the organic in the evolving world, the
natural so to say, the predictable, what can be calculated and expected to
happen. The immigrant’s existence, however, has been cut in two and delivered
to unforeseeable and unpredictable flux. In certain respects he has thrown
himself into uncharted chaos. Chaos may seem too strong a term for what he
encounters, for his new home is generally anything but chaotic, yet, to a
degree at least, it is chaos to him. The language of the new country is not
his; being meaningless at the beginning of his sojourn, the reality it
describes is to a degree meaningless. He experiences himself as an infant,
envying children chattering with ease and swimming effortlessly in the
environment created by their language. The customs, feasts, enthusiasms, sense
of humour, priorities, history, taken-for-granted and wordlessly presupposed ways
of behaving in public and in private, all this is different to a degree, poorly
understood or misunderstood and upsetting. Language is only the most evident
element of strangeness in a confusing context.
The immigrant has a very sharp and at times painful brush with
history and his own historicalness; he is deprived, all of a sudden, of many
elements of his existence which up to then appeared permanent and were hardly
thought of because taken for granted. He may prepare for it, but no preparation
is adequate. With many supports pulled from under him, he discovers the
fleetingness of his existence. Might not this very fleetingness be the stuff of
history and thus of historiography? However, our desire to study what endures
visibly and tangibly, and thus to partake of the permanence of things, is very
natural and understandable. The immigrant as immigrant is, for that reason, not
an attractive subject, for as immigrant he does not endure. Yet the immigrant
ought to be studied for his own sake.
First, because immigration is an important and widespread
phenomenon of the contemporary scene; secondly, because all human existence is
fleeting – in the immigrant we may perceive clearly what is less evidently true
of all of us; thirdly, because fleetingness is not all there is to him. He is a
human being who experiences, endures, develops defences against, and draws
profit, often unknown to himself, from this fleetingness. As such a human being
he does perpetuate himself; he does pass on his stubborn perseverance, his
fatalist optimism, his self-confident egalitarianism, his alienation and his
pain.
3. IMMIGRANT’S RELATIONSHIPS
a) The country of
origin
By the very fact that he moves away from his country
of origin, the immigrant modifies his relationship with it. Though modified,
the relationship is by no means severed: while the country of origin may lose
strictly legal claims on him, it retains others, more profound and binding. He
knows himself bound to the “old country,” and manifests this awareness in many
ways. This is most evident in the case of the political and ideological
refugee, but it is also true of the economic immigrant. He remains in touch
with his relatives, friends and neighbours whom he has left behind; only
gradually does he change or shed the political allegiances and passions which
animated him in his native land; for a long time he continues to follow the
successes and failures of his favourite soccer team; he sends money to the old
country, he is proud of it, he visits it and takes his children along.
The influence exerted on the country of origin by the immigrant
communities abroad may be considerable. In the past, these communities may have
contributed to the growing national awareness of certain late-maturing European
nations.3 Political movements active
abroad often exert decisive influence on developments in the countries at which
they are aimed. The most evident examples are Lenin and Ayatollah Khomeini.
Ethnic groups serve as beacons of freedom to their native lands, by being a
living reminder to the people who stayed behind that other social and political
structures are possible besides the one in which they are forced to live.
People who leave their native land generally possess, in a large
measure, the ability to lead, or readiness to risk, or talent, or courage. The
ideological emigrant was visibly committed to a cause in his country of origin,
he exposed himself to danger and exercized leadership. The economic emigrant manifests
at least the courage to sever the many bonds tying him to his home, family and
native land as well as an ability to strike out on his own.
Clearly the immigrant will not, indeed cannot, change overnight.
He brings with him the social, political, and cultural attitudes of his native
land. Thus someone coming from a traditionally Catholic country, where
Christian Democratic parties are part and parcel of the political horizon, will
find it somewhat difficult to understand the kind of separation of Church and
State characteristic of North America. Likewise, certain waves of post-war
immigration to Canada will continue to view the NDP and its socialism with some
suspicion. To mention another example, there is quite a difference between
various ethnic groups in regard to their attachment to their language and
efforts to pass it on to their children: some nationalities are more clearly
aware of the language as a means of their self-identification.
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to spell out with much
precision the changing relationship of the immigrant to his native land. Change
it does; the length of his absence works its effects. His mother-tongue tends,
with years, to become less limpid and fluent than it was when he lived and
breathed in its embrace, for the atmosphere in which he moves now lives out of
another language and mentality. His image of the old country tends to remain
fixed at the moment when he left; a visit after a number of years may be a
shock.4 Of his tendency to idealize
it, more shall be said below.
b) The country of
adoption
The immigrant’s attachment to the country of
adoption is, during the first years of his sojourn, seldom profound or strong.
The political refugee tends to look upon it as a refuge and a base of
operations, which he appreciates and to which he may be grateful, but where he
has little intention of striking roots; the economic immigrant looks upon it as
a better opportunity to prosper materially. The country of adoption is chosen
more or less fortuitously: my own family came to Canada because the U.S. was
not ready to accept us yet, and we wanted to get out of a Europe which was
ravaged by war and where we feared Russian invasion or forcible repatriation to
Jugoslavia. With the passage of years, however, with the birth and growth of
children, with the gradual “getting used to” the new environment and absorbing
its way of living, working and thinking the immigrant will, in a manner hardly
noticed by himself, gradually develop loyalty to and pride in his adoptive
country. This loyalty will be of a more rational kind, less instinctive than
that characteristic of the native-born; it is nonetheless genuine and
permanent.
Yet no matter how well integrated or assimilated he may be, the
immigrant carries a world within himself which is very much his own and which,
though he may not admit it even to himself, is condemned to death. He will
never be fully at home in the new country: he may learn a great deal, he may
adapt very well, outwardly he may function as well as the native-born, yet
there are elements within him which do not fit into the country of adoption,
despite its real or pretended broad-mindedness and pluralism. There are
memories he can share with very few – this happens to everyone with the passage
of years, of course, but to the immigrant it happens early in life and in ways
that can be more upsetting and disturbing. His inevitable isolation is one of
the many signs that his world is condemned to death.
Like all human beings he tries to cheat death, to rob the moment
of its momentariness, to hold on to himself, to endure; but he experiences this
desire more poignantly since a number of elements which seem to assure the
tangible and visible immortality no longer surround him, such as the corner of
the world into which he was born seemingly so firm and permanent. He tries to
imitate and preserve this world. It is almost an instinctive reaction against
the slings and arrows of the new environment to idealize the country of origin.
In this regard too he could be said to be prematurely old; in reality, he is
trying to remain himself. He is forced to live in a “demythologized” landscape,
in a world which he has encountered after having attained the use of reason.
His country of adoption is not perceived through the immensely sensitive and
receptive eyes of a child but in a more rational and utilitarian manner. The
land he buys and sells has no aura of sacredness and family trust which
shimmers over many a farm in the old country.
The ethnic community, or ghetto – what we call it will depend
mostly on our attitude toward it, is the most visible of the immigrant’s
defences against death. Whether it be geographic or social, it is indispensable
for most members of the first generation and, to a degree, even for many of the
second generation – for very little can be preserved or clung to in isolation.
Ghettos have admittedly, and sometimes deservedly, enjoyed a bad press. Their negative aspects need hardly be
mentioned, such as their narrowness, their failure to live in tune with the
environment, to understand the young, to develop the sense of responsibility
for the country of adoption. Ghetto tends to be fractious and faction-ridden –
the emotions made for larger contexts must spend themselves in a narrow space.
It threatens to become the immigrant’s only home, for he cannot grow naturally
with his country of origin and may not be developing with the country of
adoption. In spite of all this, it must be kept in mind that ghetto arises out
of the need to belong to a group larger than one’s family and the need of an
identity which is more intimate than “national.” The immigrant needs it in
order to remain an integral human being; it protects him from the kind of assimilation
which entails a brusque sloughing off of the old skin in favour of one which
does not fit; it offers the immigrant’s child the opportunity to grow up
without too many painful gaps between the world of his fathers and the new
world. In the difficulties which the immigrant’s child meets in his attempt to
live with two worlds within himself, it is better that he have peers whose
experience is similar to his than to be surrounded entirely by those whose
background has not attuned them to his predicaments and tensions. The immigrant
ghetto is a sign of healthy resistance of human beings to being smothered by
the wellintentioned majority with its uniformity and self-confident
superiority. In this connection, we should mention the interesting fact that the
immigrant is seldom a cosmopolitan. He cannot afford to be one; having lost his
home, he feels its significance too keenly. Only those who feel very securely
“at home” can permit themselves cosmopolitan posturing with any degree of
sincerity.
Another indication of the precarious nature of immigrant
existence is his need to show that he has not gone under, whether it be by
boasting, showing off, large tomb-stones, or, as in the vast majority of cases,
by incredibly hard work. It ought to be pointed out also that the immigrant’s
generosity is at least as great as that of the native-born; his priorities,
however, are different. The concerns of the country of origin, economic,
social, cultural as well as religious, continue to preoccupy him. These concerns
give a dimension to Canadian life and a reputation to Canada of which Canada is
often unaware or unconcerned.
Slightly ridiculous at times, in danger of being a figure of fun
both in the country of origin and in the country of adoption, hiding from
himself a pain and a sadness stemming from unharmonizable dissonances within
his experience – this is the immigrant. “In the morning went to Congress of
Free Journalists at the Dorchester. Quite a large gathering, rather pathetic in
a way like all gatherings of exiles.”5
It would be a mistake, however, to imagine that this note of
sadness is the dominant feature of immigrant existence. The immigrant is
anything but a sad person. And even the causes of sadness generate compensating
advantages. Emigration is, to begin with, liberation, at least in certain
respects: the emigrant is allowed to shed the outer constraints, pressures and
restrictions of the country of origin, while some of the demands and exigencies
internalized by those born in the new country do not bind him as yet. Thus he
is freer to strike out on his own and to imagine; forced to be different, he is
freer to do something different. The new country moreover, though neglectful of
his many needs, is somewhat indulgent towards him because it does not consider
him to be a fully mature and responsible member of society. Thus it is that at
times it is the outsider who sees and seizes beckoning opportunities which the
native-born do not perceive.
The outer and the inner freedom is necessarily accompanied by a
kind of independence: the immigrant is obliged to find a way for himself in
areas which are, to him, uncharted. This independence, thrust upon him, is
seldom an enjoyable experience, since confusion and fear are often part and
parcel of it. Yet many a so-called ordinary man will take on social functions
within the ethnic community which, in established societies, are carried out by
professional, cultural and social elites. Natural leaders emerge who would
never have thought of coming forth within stable social contexts of the old and
new countries. This tends to give rise to self-confidence and to an at times
abrasive egalitarianism of the self-made man.
A breadth of vision is also forced upon the immigrant: not only
is he learning about another country and culture but is obliged to live and
work in it. His vision, having nothing abstract or bookishly idealized about
it, is rather mature, though seldom very articulate or introspective. Feeding
as it does on two lived perspectives of reality, it can change dimensions of
things, dampen enthusiasms, reduce hostilities and fears. This realism will
seldom descend into cynicism, partly because it is too mature and partly
because it is only the very safely positioned who can afford such luxuries.
Immigration unlocks energies which, at home, would have lain
dormant. His willingness to risk, repeatedly tested and generally crowned with
some measure of success, becomes part of his make-up, and is passed on to his
children. It should be said in this connection that, though his economic
success is more noticeable and more frequently commented upon, it is neither
his only kind of success nor the one primarily striven for. At times it is the
only kind of success permitted him in the country of adoption.6
CONCLUSION
The immigrant existence reminds me of the following thought of
Milan Kundera:
“This is the great private
problem of man: death as the loss of self. But what is this self? It is the sum
of everything we remember. Thus, what terrifies us about death is not the loss
of the future but the loss of the past. Forgetting is a form of death ever
present within life... But forgetting is also the great problem of politics.
When a big power wants to deprive a small country of its natural consciousness
it uses the method of organized
forgetting.7
The
immigrant’s effort to remain what he is, his seemingly premature clinging to
memories of the past and idealizing his native land, his conscious attempts to
pass on what he is to his children – all this stems from his brush with
mortality in the abrupt loss of the steadying hand of the familiar and
accustomed, a loss which he suffers much earlier in life than most other
people. He may tend to become rigid, and resistant to change, to exhibit what
seems to be a one-track mind; but he is also wiser, less liable to fall prey to
ephemeral enthusiasms. Seldom naive or credulous, he may seem to be, and
sometimes is, selfish and hard-boiled, but he can also be more understanding
and more deeply aware of the human condition.
We could speak of the immigrant as a secular pilgrim who, having left his home, is constantly searching for another one without ever finding it. He comes closer and closer, but never makes it. He is condemned to being a stranger, no longer at home in his first home and never quite at home in his new home. His is not an experience entirely unknown to others, for everyone of us is, to a degree, a stranger wherever he might be. But it is an experience which is lived not read about, his not vicarious, true not bookish, and thus more genuine.
1All of Baba’s
Children, Edmonton,
Hurtig, 1977, p. 387
2Saul Maloff, “Vladimir
Nabokov : The Emigre.” Commonweal, January 6, 2
1978, p. 18.
3See Will Herberg, Protestant-Catholic-Jew, pp. 23-28.
4See Ted Kramolc,
“Fotoalbum,” Meddobje, 1982, pp. 72-77.
5Like it was: The
Diaries of Malcolm Muggeridge; selected and edited by John Bright-Holmes; London,
1981, p. 363.
6See Jean Bruce, After the War, Toronto, 1982, pp. 30-32.
7The Book of Laughter
and Forgetting, Harmondsworth :
Penguin, 1981, pp. 234-235.