CCHA, Study Sessions, 43(1976), p. 5-21
Divergent Images of
American and British Education
in the Ontario Catholic Press, 1851 - 1948
by Denis
C. O'Driscoll
Queen's
University
Kingston, Ont.
INTRODUCTION
Studies of international relations among Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom have generally been more concerned with activities and events than with underlying attitudes. Much attention has been paid to the chronicling of international involvements in the diplomatic, military, economic, political and educational spheres and to the unravelling of the tangled skeins which seem to relate these involvements to one another. However, the nature of the attitudinal contexts within which these phenomena had their genesis and which, no doubt, affected their development, has on the whole received little notice.
Where historians have addressed themselves to Canadian attitudes as well as conduct in the area of Canadian-American-British relations they have generally been impressed by a strong undercurrent of anti-American sentiment which has surfaced on numerous occasions in Canadian history. Craig, Creighton, Dafoe, Keenleyside and Brown, Lower, Morton, Wise and Brown and others have referred to it, (1) and Wise has traced the feeling back to the anti-revolutionary perspectives of influential groups in early Canada who enshrined their sentiments within a Burkean political structure designed to prevent a democratic and republican coup in British North America. (2) Along with this strong element of anti-Americanism in Canadian attitudes, a related though subsidiary strain of pro-British feeling has also been discerned. (3) This has been attributed partly to a genuine admiration for British culture and institutions, (4) and partly, too, to a less disinterested concern for maintaining a countervailing force against the overwhelming cultural pressures from the United States. (5) Nevertheless, although anti-Americanism and pro-Britishism have been recognized as important features of Canadian history, these sentiments have by no means monopolized attitudes in Canada. Canadian history has been interspersed with ample evidence of pro-American and antiBritish feelings, although on the whole these seem to have been transitory or confined to minorities within the population. (6)
Lower has suggested that differences in family tradition, racial descent, religious denomination, and economic interest help determine the political attitudes of individuals and groups. (7) This accords well with what Boulding terms the "stock of images" constituted by the attitudes of different groups in society, (8) and also with what Mannheim refers to in his sociological generalization that "in accord with the particular context of collective activity in which they participate, men always see the world around them differently," because "it is not men in general who think, or even isolated individuals who do the thinking, but men in certain groups who have developed a particular style of thought in an endless series of responses to certain typical situations characterizing their common position." (9)
It is against this background of Canadian attitudes toward the United States and the United Kingdom in general that an attempt is made here to examine the images of American and British education presented to their readers by spokesmen for one social group in one part of Canada - the editors of a series of Catholic papers published in Ontario between 1851 and 1948. It is assumed that the views presented do not differ significantly from those of the majority of the clergy and laity to whom they were expressed. It is felt that an appreciation of these views may help clarify the attitudinal setting within which the separate Catholic system of public education in Ontario developed for most of a century.
Editorials in the following papers were reviewed for the periods indicated - the Mirror (1851-1861), the Canadian Freeman (1862-1873), the Catholic Record (1884-1891), the Catholic Register (1893-1942) and the Canadian Register (1942-1948). References to American and British education were classified as to date, source, system and topic referred to, and attitude expressed. Attitudes were categorized as positive, negative or ambivalent (combining positive and negative elements). (10) In the accompanying graphs, ambivalent references were valued as half-positive, half-negative.
The use of a few terms needs clarification: "Catholic" is used to signify Roman Catholic; "Ontario" is used instead of Canada West (official until 1867); "British" denotes what pertains to the British Isles, and not merely to Great Britain.
AMERICAN EDUCATION
The Catholic press in Ontario regarded American education as a dual phenomenon within which the vicious effects of a system of secular public schools were mitigated to some extent by the merits of Catholic private and parochial schools, to the benefit of American society in general. It seemed unjust to the Ontario Catholic press that conscientious Catholics in the United States should have to bear the burden of supporting both Catholic and public schools in order to render this national service. The generous spirit with which American Catholics appeared to bear this imposition was applauded, and was presented as an example to those Catholics in Ontario who might not fully appreciate the advantage of having publicly-maintained Catholic schools. Although the public support accorded Catholic schools in the province was often criticized as inadequate by the Catholic press, the Ontario dual system of public education was, nevertheless, considered far superior to the American common system. The latter, with its alleged negative consequences for society in general and for Catholics in particular, was instanced as what might transpire in Ontario if Catholics were not vigilant and committed in the cause of their separate schools. This overall perception of American education was, in essence, very stable, with important features of it continuing to find expression for most of a century. During that time the tone of Catholic press commentary was almost constantly and predominantly negative. (Table I).
Table I
REFERENCES
TO AMERICAN EDUCATION IN EDITORIALS
OF ONTARIO CATHOLIC PRESS
1861-1870 5 4 1 10
1871-1880
2
2
1881-1890 6 1 7
1891-1900 1 4 5
1901-1910 4 1 1 6
1911-1920 3 1 4
1921-1930 11 4 4 19
1931-1940 5 3 1 9
1941-1950 1 1
The
public schools of America
were distinguished, in the eyes of the
Ontario Catholic press, for their lack of religious commitment; (11) for the
inequity which they inflicted on Catholic ratepayers who laboured under
the
burden of "double taxation"; (12) for
the intolerance displayed by public school
authorities toward the religious convictions of Catholic teachers and
pupils; (13) for the hostility with
which the champions of public education - notably the
Ku Klux Klan, the American Protective Association, and other groups,
some
with alleged Orange connections - endeavoured to injure the Catholic
Church through its schools; (14)
for
the superficial and
limited pedagogical
perspective which prompted the public schools to pursue the ephemeral,
ostentatious and trivial in programme and teaching methods rather than
undertake a sound, systematic and disciplined approach to studies of
proven
worth; (15) and for the generally
deleterious influence which the public schools
exerted upon the social fabric and moral fibre of American society. (16) What
the Canadian
Freeman charged in 1869 - that religion had been banished
from the public schools and that, as a result, it was "a boast of
Americans
that they can produce a better educated, more enlightened and expert
staff of
rogues, pickpockets and burglars than any other people on earth" (17) - was
substantially repeated by the Catholic Register over
fifty years later when it
alleged that because of its "system of Godless training for the young,
America today is reaping the whirlwind in homicide, suicide,
race-suicide,
crime and divorce, out of all proportion to the shortcomings of other
nations." (18) Most
references to
American education were general in content, tending
to be critical of the spirit and context of public education. However,
allusions
to specific incidents and crises were not infrequent. An incomplete
list would
include editorial commentary on the following: in 1871, the expulsion
of a
Catholic child from a public school at Hunter's Point, New York,
because he
would not stay for Bible reading; (19)
in 1891, the Bennett Act which threatened
to close the parochial schools of Wisconsin; (20)
in 1916, charges laid against
a Catholic bishop in "Darkest Florida" on the grounds that it was a
criminal
offence for a white person to teach a black child;
(21) in 1920, a Michigan
campaign which would prohibit private and parochial schools and which,
the
Catholic
Register darkly forecast, would lead to an exodus of Catholics
from
that state into Canada; (22) in 1922,
the Oregon legislation which would forbid
private and church schools there; (23)
in 1923, the disallowance of Bible
reading in public schools by court decisions in California and Florida; (24) in
1930, the case of a Catholic teacher in Monroe, New York, who was
refused
a teaching position on the grounds of religion until the State
Commissioner
for Education was obliged to intervene; (25)
and, also in 1930, the manner in
which the Encyclical of Pope Pius XI had been used as a weapon against
Al
Smith in his campaign for the Presidency of the United States. (26) In
contrast to the evil
influence of the public schools, the Ontario
Catholic press claimed that American Catholic schools exerted a
valuable
conservative and patriotic influence by striving to preserve for
posterity the
principles of early America in the form of learning fortified by
religion. (27) It
was recalled more than once that this had been the ideal of George
Washington who, when dying, had commanded that religion never be
divorced from education. (28) The
public schools were viewed as the products
and promulgators of a different and alien perspective derived from
immoral
Prussia. (29) Catholics were said to
share the pristine values of the founders of
America, but not to be alone in this. Although "Masons, Kluckers,
Knights
of Pythias, Orangemen" and other self-styled patriots considered
Washington's views antique, (30) there
were many enlightened and influential
American Protestants who upheld his Christian values and recognized
that
they were still honoured in Catholic schools though neglected elsewhere. (31)
Hence, these true patriots frequently commended the Catholic schools
and
even patronized them in preference to the public schools. (32) Illustrious names
were sometimes dropped by Catholic editors as evidence of this
phenomenon,
so that on one occasion when a prominent Ontario Orangeman undertook to
castigate an Ontario convent for its "Popish aggression" in educating
Protestant girls, the Catholic Record was
quick to remind its readers of the
favourable impression received by President Harrison when, accompanied
by
the Governor of Connecticut and a Supreme Court judge, he had visited a
convent school in the United States. The paper found it "interesting to
observe the difference of treatment accorded to these nurseries of
education
by such gentlemen of culture and refinement and that shown to the same
establishments by illiterate bigots of the Sam Hughes stamp." (33)
Catholic papers in
Ontario maintained that Catholic schools in the
United States provided a superior type of education not only morally
but
academically as well. (34) The products
of Catholic schools were said not to be
surpassed by those of public schools in the race of life, but to be
competing
successfully with them for public awards and for entry into
distinguished
institutions of higher learning. (35)
In their more conservative approach to
education the Catholic schools of America were considered wiser than
the
public schools, which were hampered by the "ruffles," "frills" and
other
fripperies said to characterize progressive education.
(36) Thus the Catholic
schools were held to be more beneficial to the individual and the
nation
because of their commitment to the basis of America's greatness - a
combination of religion and sound secular instruction.
(37) The
Ontario Catholic
press undertook to defend American Catholics
against the common charge that they sought to undermine the public
school
system in the United States. (38)
American Catholics were represented as
seeking public support for their schools simply to provide more readily
a
truly American education for those who sought it without having to pay
a
double tax for the privilege. (39) It
was remarked that while the inequity of
American fiscal arrangements bore heavily on Catholics, these measures
also
penalized conscientious believers of other faiths, who were obliged to
send
their children and their taxes to public schools which catered only to
the
preferences of atheists and agnostics. (40)
Those who would defend such
punitive arrangements were declared by Catholic papers in Ontario to be
not
merely hostile to Catholic education but unpatriotic, and disloyal to
the spirit
of the Constitution, since they were rejecting the first principles and
primal
values of American society, which had accorded an important place to
religion in education. (41) The
alleged
imperfections and injustices of American public education
were paraded before its readers by the Ontario Catholic press as a
salutary if
dreadful example of what they had been fortunate to escape. Despite the
problems and inadequacies of Catholic education in Ontario, Catholics
were
repeatedly reminded to be grateful for not having to bear the burden
shouldered so manfully by their co-religionists in the United States. (42) American Catholics were said to
envy Ontarians their separate school system
and to confide to visitors from the province that "You have much
greater
reason in Canada to be loyal to the Government than we Americans, with
all
our boasted freedom." (43)
Nevertheless, it appeared that some Canadian
"toadies," who still hankered after the Ascendancy, did not appreciate
this
privilege and preferred, for social reasons, to send their children to
the
undenominational public schools. (44)
Not only American Catholics but
conscientious Americans of other faiths would consider themselves
fortunate
to be able to avail of a system like that of Ontario. These people
feared for
the future of the United States under the existing godless system of
public
education, and realized - according to the Catholic Register in
1909 - that
the solution was to "get back to the Catholic system - let Churches
teach,
and be inspected by the State, as here, and be paid for results." (45)
In
the comments of the
Ontario Catholic press on British education,
English education figured most prominently, Irish education to a much
lesser
degree, and Scottish education scarcely at all. Over the century, the
feeling
toward education in the British Isles was one of qualified approval,
with a
gradual improvement evident as the decades passed. (Table II). The
focus of
attention shifted from Irish education in the nineteenth century to
English
education in the twentieth. English education, on the whole, came to be
viewed more favourably than Irish education had been. Table II REFERENCES
TO BRITISH EDUCATION IN EDITORIALS
1851-1860
2
1
3 1861-1870
5
2
1
8 1871-1880
1
1
1
3 1881-1890
1
1 1891-1900
1
1
2 1901-1910
3
2
2
7 1911-1920
1
1
4
6 1921-1930
3
1
4 1931-1940
1
1
2 1941-1950
1
4
2
7
Education in England The
Catholic press in
the mid-nineteenth century noted the neglect of
popular education in England. This neglect was attributed to the
connivance
of Anglican church and gentry to restrict educational facilities in
order to
benefit the upper and middle classes of society. Thus the great
intellectual
potential of the mass of the people was seen to be left untapped. (46) This
neglect was alleged to have led to a decline in England's prestige
since the
palmy days before the Reformation, when the Catholic seminaries,
monasteries and colleges of England had been the envy of continental
Europe. According to the Mirror in 1856, the
root of England's domestic
malaise and foreign ineptness, as evidenced in bread riots at home and
the
conduct of the Crimean War abroad, was the monopolization of education
by
the Established Church to the exclusion of the Catholic Church which
had
once made England great. (47)
However, subsequent
measures by the British government to end the
Anglican monopoly of education did not meet with the approval of the
Ontario Catholic press and brought about a change in its perspective.
After
1870, the efforts of the state to remedy the lack of popular education
by
means of undenominational public schools, favoured by Dissenters,
caused
Catholics to view Anglicans in a more favourable light, for even less
desirable than the traditional alliance of State and Established Church
was
the prospect of a new alliance between State and Dissent. The
government
now became the prime target of Catholic criticism for allegedly
endeavouring
to impose a godless education upon a Christian country.
(48) Catholics and
Protestants alike who opposed these efforts and undertook sacrifices to
preserve and advance their church schools were commended. (49) To the
Catholic press, all that was necessary and desirable to improve
working-class
education in England was that the government be more generous toward
church schools. (50) Government
measures to promote undenominational
schools were taken as signs of a conspiracy against the Catholic Church
by
evangelical Protestants who sought a more covert but comprehensive and
substantial form of establishment than the historical alliance between
the
Church of England and the British government. (51) With
the steady spread
of the undenominational board schools created
by the Education Act of 1870, the odium of the Ontario Catholic press
was
transferred to these schools and their supporters and away from the
total
system and the government which maintained it. The new board schools
were branded as irreligious, and Dissenters, with whom they were
associated,
were accused of being opposed to the religious education of youth. This
charge was common during the controversy created by the 1902 Education
Bill to have church schools supported from local taxes - a proposal
strongly
resisted by many Dissenting Protestants. (52)
Anglicans then and later were
welcomed as allies against Dissenters in the struggle to preserve
church
schools in the face of competition from undenominational schools. (53) With
the gradual
acceptance of the 1902 settlement, which consolidated
a pluralistic system of publicly supported denominational and
undenominational schools in England, adverse references to English
education began to decline in the Ontario Catholic press. Despite
occasional
flurries of criticism, a more positive image of English education began
to
emerge. The toleration by the government of religious attire in English
schools had already been acknowledged, (54)
and subsequently approval was
accorded to the principle of public support and supervision of Catholic
schools, with adequate safeguards for Catholic ideals;
(55) the pluralism and
decentralization of public education generally;
(56) the stress on liberal rather
than vocational and utilitarian studies; (57)
the public financing of Catholic
teacher-training colleges; (58) and the
official encouragement of religious
content in all schools. (59) The
British government was occasionally reproved
for allowing the burden of educational costs to fall more heavily on
Catholics
than on others, but these criticisms were quite mild.
(60) It was acknowledged
that, in general, there had been a great improvement in church-state
relations
since the 1902 Act, that conditions were no longer unsatisfactory, (61) and that
because of the regard officially and actively accorded religious values
in
public education, British society was in far better moral condition
than the
American. (62) The Ontario government
was frequently exhorted to be equally
supportive of Catholic education in the province,
(63) and the Canadian
Register in 1942 urged its readers to maintain an interest in the
progress of
Catholic education in England on the grounds that "We should be
interested
if actions over there had no reactions here, and we know full well that
British
precedents have considerable influence on policy in Canada." (64) Even
the important
educational reforms of the nineteen-thirties and the
nineteen-forties did no more than ruffle the stilling waters of Ontario
Catholic criticism of education in England. These measures, intended to
effect closer cooperation and integration between the denominational
and
undenominational sectors of English public education, were criticized
by the
Catholic
Register on the grounds that they called for additional
expenditures
which would fall more heavily on church schools.
(65) Moreover, they seemed
to be advanced with an eye to administrative efficiency rather than
educational quality. (66) Anxiety was
expressed that such measures might lead,
as they had elsewhere, to uniformity and totalitarianism at the expense
of
diversity and freedom. (67) It was
observed that the London Times had already
protested the mockery of a nation fighting abroad for principles of
freedom
which it would not honour in the schools at home.
(68) But English Catholics,
it was claimed, would not shirk the issue. They had, in the past,
asserted
their rights in a manner which Ontario Catholics might study with
profit.
Though only a fraction of the population of England, their voices might
be
heard everywhere when a crisis affected their schools - in Parliament,
in the
Times, and
at public meetings. (69) They could,
moreover, count on the
influential support of Anglicans and others who valued denominational
schools. (70) The Canadian Register hoped,
however, that a confrontation might
be avoided, for Catholics were not reactionaries when reforms were
necessary, provided that these reforms did not cost them their schools
and
that the funds to accommodate such changes were forthcoming. (71) On the eve
of the implementation of the great Education Act of 1944, these
difficulties
appeared at last to have been solved. The Canadian Register expressed
satisfaction that a reasonable compromise had been reached in the
matter of
building funds and that, with the recommendation that religious
instruction
become mandatory in all schools, a principle of Catholic education had
been
publicly upheld. (72) Education in Ireland Irish
education
received a rather poor press during the few decades
within which it was accorded some prominence in Ontario Catholic
papers.
This was particularly so in the eighteen-sixties, during which the
Catholic
bishops of Ontario were engaged in a struggle to protect and strengthen
the
provincial system of Catholic public schools in face of the spectre of
its
abolition and replacement by a comprehensive system of undenominational
schools like that formulated for Ireland in 1831, and urged for Canada
in
1858 by the Reform politicians George Brown and Thomas D'Arcy McGee. (73) In
the early
eighteen-fifties the Irish national school system was
enthusiastically endorsed by the Mirror for
contributing to the future
greatness of the Irish people by making them literate and articulate in
the
English language. (74) However, by 1859
the Catholic press in Ontario had
come to the support of the bishops in condemning the Irish national
schools
as godless institutions - although, by then, the national school system
was
already well on its way to being, in the words of an historian of Irish
education, "twisted from its original non-sectarian moorings to a
tacitly denominational position." (75)
Catholics were warned by their press not to be
misled by politicians who would beguile them into substituting the
Irish
formula for the separate system of public schools already established
in
Ontario. (76) It was alleged that
guarantees against the proselytization of
Catholic children had ostensibly been built into the Irish national
system by
deceitful politicians, but that these guarantees had not worked. In
consequence, the Irish people were said to have unanimously rejected
the
state schools and to have cheerfully undertaken the sacrifice of
providing for
their children in Catholic schools maintained by them through voluntary
contributions. (77) The Irish national
school system was said to have revealed
itself as "a wily project" designed to secure public funds in order to
prop up
an ailing Protestant establishment and at the same time to proselytize
the
Catholic population of Ireland. (78)
The heroism of the Irish people was
commended to Ontario Catholics, and Catholic bishops everywhere were
urged to emulate the stand of the Irish prelates against the principle
of
undenominational education and in favour of a public system of Catholic
education which would operate at all levels - primary, intermediate and
university. (79) By
the
eighteen-nineties, the threat posed to Ontario separate Catholic
schools appeared to have passed, and the Irish national school system
was
finally acknowledged for what it had long since become - a fully
denominational system of public schools under the management of the
different churches, Catholic and Protestant. This tardy acknowledgement
of
Irish educational reality coincided with the bitter controversy which
had
arisen in New Brunswick and elsewhere over the issue of religious
orders
teaching in public schools. The Catholic Register saw
the issue as
overblown, and pointed to the happy situation in Ireland where
government
officials were fully tolerant of national schools being conducted by
teaching
orders in religious dress. (80) It
complimented the Irish bishops on the progress
made with their assistance, and advanced statistics on attendance and
school
buildings as testimony that education was not neglected when under the
auspices of the Catholic Church. (81) CONCLUSION The
Ontario Catholic
press displayed a fairly high and constant level of
interest in education in the United States and the British Isles.
Editors were
particularly interested in American education, which they referred to
much
more frequently, passionately and in greater detail than they did to
British
education. No greyness was acknowledged in American education-there was
only black and white, juxtaposed. Public schools were anathema and seen
to
be the ruin of the nation; church schools - especially Catholic schools
-
seemed to provide the only hope of redemption. The threat posed by the
proximity of a monistic, undenominational (even secularist) system of
public
education no doubt contributed to the intensity with which Catholic
editors
reacted when they contemplated American education. The blandishments of
this model - already yielded to by legislators in British Columbia and
Manitoba - seemed to underlie much of the hostility displayed by those
who would
abolish or circumscribe the Catholic public school system established
so
precariously in Ontario in the eighteen-forties. The
embryonic, legal
model of Irish education seemed akin to the
American in its monistic undenominationalism. Although it soon
developed
into a thoroughly denominational system within the peculiar demographic
context of Irish society, such an outcome could not be guaranteed if a
similar
system were planted in Ontario. Consequently, whatever might be the
reality
of the Irish national school system, it could not be acknowledged as
remotely
acceptable until the Ontario separate schools had become firmly rooted
and the Irish model had
developed in such fashion that there was no likelihood
of its being imported into the province.
English education held
no great interest until the prospect arose in the
later nineteenth century that its impoverished denominational sector
would
collapse and be superseded by the tax-supported undenominational one.
This
would result in a national system not unlike that of the United States.
Only
after this danger had been averted by the ratification of a pluralistic
public
system in 1902, could the English model be contemplated, with
reservation
at first but finally with considerable approval.
Education in the United
States and the British Isles was primarily seen
as a battleground between the forces of good and evil. With significant
exceptions on both sides, Catholics tended to be ranked with the
angels,
non-Catholics with the powers of darkness. This situation was held to
prevail
in Ontario, too. As late as 1922, a Catholic editor warned his readers
of a
world-wide conspiracy to eliminate Catholic culture by abolishing
Catholic
schools, and he reminded them of Cromwell's alleged reference to Irish
children - "If we kill the nits we shall get rid of the lice." He
probably
expressed the spirit if not the national origin of many of his fellows
when he
vowed that "while the Anglo-Saxon world is really the Anglo-Celtic
world
the Celt will see to it that the bigots shall not have their way." (82) This
attitude probably
has implications for the completeness and
accuracy of the images which were received and subsequently transmitted
by
editors when they looked at education abroad. With a war being waged
for
the souls of children, there could have been little room in the
editorial ranks
for the detached and disinterested analyst. An editor was expected to
be a
vigorous and fluent apologist and, in the matter of educational
commentary,
he tended to fulfil this function very well. When the occasion demanded
it,
he referred to foreign models of education not as an exercise in
impartial
assessment but as a tract for the times. In this way, the faithful were
instructed, both directly on what they should seek and avoid in Ontario
schools, and indirectly on the official Catholic viewpoint on
education. As
well, they were roused by stories of heroism and perfidy in the
struggle for
Catholic schools elsewhere, and heartened by vigorous blasts at those
who
would deprecate the role of the Church in education at home or abroad.
In
their work, the editors of the Catholic press were probably no more
subjective
or any less committed to the projection of an exact, complex and
balanced
image than were the editors of other religious, political and
educational
papers in Ontario when they, too, chose to comment on education abroad.
It
would probably be risky to rely too heavily on any one of these
different
interpretations in order to understand what actually prevailed in
education.
It must be said of the Catholic editors, however, that more than many
of their
rivals they eschewed dullness when they got down to the business of
educating their readers in what they maintained was the reality of
American
and British education, with all its implications for the people and the
policy-makers of Ontario.
1. Gerald M. CRAIG, Canada and the
United States (Cambridge, Mass.
Harvard University Press, 1968), p.68; Donald CREIGHTON. Dominion of the
North: A History of Canada (Rev. ed.: Toronto : The Macmillan
Company of Canada
Limited, 1957), p.435; J.W. DAFOE, Canada, an American Nation (New
York:
Columbia University Press. 1935), p. 91; Hugh L. KEENLEYSIDE and Gerald
S.
BROWN, Canada
and the United States: Some Aspects of Their Historical Relations
(Rev. ed.: New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952), p.41; Arthur R.M.
LOWER, Colony
to Nation (4th ed. rev.: Don Mills, Ontario: Longmans Canada
Limited, 1964), p.
316; W.L. MORTON, The
Canadian Identity (Toronto: The University of Toronto
Press. 1961), p.69; S.F. Wise and Robert CRAIG BROWN. Canada
Views the United
States: Nineteenth Centirv Political Attitudes (Seattle:
University of Washington
Press, 1967), pp. 94-96.
2. S.F. WISE, "Upper Canada and the Conservative
Tradition," Ontari
Historical Society, Profiles of a
Province (Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1967),
pp. 20-23.
3. LOWER, op. cit..
p. 445; John Bartlett BREBNER, North Atlantic
Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States and Great Britain (Carleton
Library, ed.; Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1968), p. 311;
Andre
SIEGFRIED, The
Race Question in Canada (Carleton Library, ed.; Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1966), pp. 98, 104; Frank H. UNDERHILL,
"Some
Reflections on the Liberal Tradition in Canada," Canadian Historical
Association,
Report (Toronto
: University of Toronto Press, 1946), pp. 13-15.
4. Carl BERGER,The Sense of
Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian
Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1970), pp. 102-103.
5. LOWER, op. cit., pp. 445-446.
6. WISE and BROWN, op. cit.,
p. 94.
7. LOWER, op. cit.,
p. 543.
8. Kenneth BOULDING, The Image (Ann
Arbor : The University of Michigan
Press, 1956), p.55.
9. Karl MANNHEIM, Ideology and
Utopia : An introduction to lite Sociology
of Knowledge (New York : Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1936),
pp. 3, 4.
10. In the original study, of which the topic
of this paper formed a part, in order
to test the validity of attitude assessments, 20 references were
selected at random and
distributed to each of 10 judges who were asked to rate the references
according to
whether they expressed a negative, positive or ambivalent attitude
toward education
in the political jurisdiction referred to. Of the 200 assessments made,
184 agreed
with those of the author, with no reference being accorded more than
three
assessments which differed from his. This level of agreement was
considered
sufficient to warrant the inclusion of attitudes in the classification.
See Denis C.
O'DRISCOLL, "Ontario Attitudes Toward American and British Education,
1792-1950: A Comparative Study of International Images," (Unpublished
Ph.D.
dissertation, The University of Michigan. 1974), p. 11.
11. Canadian
Freeman, July 31, 1862; April 16, 1863; March 11, December
7, 1871. Catholic
Register, January 23, May 22, June 5, 1930; March 28, 1940.
12. Canadian
Freeman, July 31, 1862; March 16, 1865. Catholic Record,
November 5, December 24, 1887; June 22, August 17, 1889. Catholic
Register,
February 28, 1895; June 24, 1909; May 19, 1921; April 4, 1935.
13. Canadian
Freeman, June 24, 1871. Catholic Record, July
31, 1887.
Catholic
Register, May 2, 1895; May 22, 1930.
14. Catholic
Register, May 18, 1916; August 31, November 16, December 14,
1922; June 28, November 1, 1923; September 4, 1930; September 28, 1933. 15. Catholic
Register, September 19, 1908 ; July 8, 1909; November 11, 1915;
August 28, 1919; August 13, 1931.
16. Canadian
Freeman, April 16, 1863; March 11, 18, 1869. Catholic
Register,
June 24, September 2, 1909; July 28, 1921; November 6, 1922; June
11, 25
September 13, 1923; May 1, 1924; August 13, 1931; February 11, 1932;
February 9,
1933; January 10, April 4, 1935.
17. Canadian
Freeman, March 18, 1869.
18. Catholic
Register, June 28, 1923.
19. Canadian
Freeman, November 30, December 7, 1871.
20. Catholic Record,
February 14, 1891.
21. Catholic
Register, May 18, 1916.
22. Ibid., April
8, 1920.
23. Ibid., August
17, November 16, December 14, 1922.
24. Ibid., October
25, 1923.
25. Ibid., March
22, 1930.
26. Ibid., September
4, 1930.
27. Ibid., August
17, 1922.
28. Canadian
Freeman, March 18, 1869. Catholic Register, November
16,
1922.
29. Canadian
Freeman, April 16, 1863.
30. Catholic
Register, November 16, 1922.
31. Ibid., October
25, 1923; September 4, 1930; August 13, 1931.
32. Canadian
Freeman, April 16, 1863. Catholic Record, August
10, 1889.
Catholic
Register, May 2, 1895 ; July 8, 1909.
33. Catholic Record,
August 10, 1889.
34. Canadian
Freeman, April 16, 1863. Catholic Record, August
10, 1889;
July 25, 1891.
35. Canadian
Freeman, March 30, 1865. Catholic Record, July
25, August 29,
1891. Catholic
Register, June 7, November 1, 1923.
36. Catholic
Register, September 19, 1908; July 8, 1909; November 11, 1915;
August 28, 1919; August 13, 1931; February 11, 1932; September 28,
1933.
37. Canadian
Freeman, March 18, 1869. Catholic Register, September
2,
1909; July 28, 1921; November 16, 1922; June 7, 1923; August 13, 1931;
September
23, 1933; November 10, 1938.
38. Catholic Record,
December 24, 1887; February 14, 1891.
39. Ibid., December
24, 1887.
40. Catholic
Register, January 10, 1935.
41. Ibid., November
16, 1922.
42. Canadian
Freeman, May 22, July 31, 1862; March 16, 1865. Catholic
Record, November 5, 1887; June 22, 1889. Catholic
Register,
February 28, 1895;
July 10, 1930.
43. Catholic Record,
June 22, 1889.
44. Catholic
Register, May 20, 1909.
45. Ibid., September
2, 1909.
46. Mirror, January
4, 1856.
47. Ibid. 48. Canadian
Freeman, April 2, 1863.
49. Ibid., April
2, 1863; August 31, 1871; February 22, 1872.
50. Ibid., February
27, 1868; February 22, 1872.
51. Ibid., February
22, 1872.
52. Catholic
Register, May 22, October 2, 1902; November 26, 1903; May 18,
1905; June 24, 1909.
53. Ibid., May
22, 1902; June 24, 1909.
54. Ibid., May
2, 1895.
55. Ibid.,
March
2, 1906; November 21, 1935. Canadian Register, November
14, 1942.
56. Catholic
Register, October 21, 1915.
57. Ibid., February
8, 1917.
58. Ibid., September
2, 1920.
59. Ibid., September
2, 1920; November 6, 1941.
60. Ibid.,
September
27, 1917; May 29, 1930. Canadian Register, May
22,
1943.
61. Ibid.,
September
27, 1917; September 2, 1920; November 21, 1935.
Canadian
Register, November 14, 1942.
62. Catholic
Register, September 13, 1923.
63. Ibid., October
21, 1915; February 8, 1917; September 2, 1920; November
6, 1941; July 29, 1944.
64. Canadian
Register, November 14, 1942.
65. Catholic
Register, May 29, 1930; November 21, 1935. Canadian
Register,
May 22, 1943; June 10, 1944.
66. Canadian
Register, August 14, 1943.
67. Ibid., November
14, 1942.
68. Catholic
Register, March 28, 1940.
69. Canadian
Register, August 14, 1943.
70. Ibid., November
14, 1942.
71. Ibid., August
14, 1943.
72. Ibid., July 29,
1944.
73. This episode is considered within its
religious and political setting in
Franklin A. WALKER. Catholic
Education and Politics in Upper Canada (Toronto:
Dent, 1955), pp. 219-249.
74.Mirror,
July 27, 1855.
75. Donald H. AKENSON, The Irish
Educational Experiment: The National
System of Education in the Nineteenth Century (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press,
1970), p. 384.
76. Mirror,
September
9, 1859. Canadian
Freeman, October 16, 1862.
77. Canadian Freeman,
July 31, 1862; April 16, 1863; March 16, 1865.
78. Ibid., February
22, 1872.
79. Ibid., November
30, 1871.
80. Catholic Register,
May 2, 1895.
81. Ibid., December
13, 1894.
82. Ibid.,
August 31, 1922.
OF ONTARIO CATHOLIC PRESS