CCHA, Report, 21 (1954), 23-37
History of
Assumption,
The First Parish in Upper Canada
by
Very Rev. E. C. LEBEL, C.S.B., M.A.
On the south bank of the Detroit River, in
the very shadow of the towering, majestic Ambassador Bridge which joins United
States and Canada, there is a lovely gothic church and the various buildings of
a flourishing college, situated on a narrow but deep tract of land fronting the
river. Both church and college have been dedicated to our Blessed Mother Mary
under the glorious title of Our Lady of the Assumption. More than two centuries
before the present Holy Father, Pius XII, defined the doctrine of the
Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary (November 1, 1950) as an article de
fide for the universal Church, the tiny mission of the Huron Indians at
Detroit was dedicated to her honour under that title. The name “Assumption’
followed this Indian mission from Detroit to Sandusky, to Bois Blanc and
finally to la Pointe de Montréal as these Indians and their priests moved their
habitations. The name became more durably settled on the mission and later on
the parish located on the south shore of the Detroit River. This paper deals
with the beginnings of this Canadian mission which became the parish of
Assumption.
It is hard for us in our present society to
connect the large parish of Assumption with the tiny Indian mission of the same
name which once had to struggle for its very existence. Before the white man
came to these parts of Canada, it was a virgin country, beautiful but
absolutely untamed – without roads, settlements or any signs of habitation
except the primitive encampments of nomadic Indians. In this setting, picture
the savage slinking red men, clothed in skins and adorned with beads, appearing
and disappearing in the dark forest, or flashing picturesquely along the rivers
and lakes in their canoes. For the most part they proved crude, childish and
passionate people; some of them were hostile, some friendly, but none of them
was trustworthy.
Suddenly appeared the white man. What had
induced him to forsake his European home and comforts for the hazardous
treacherous ways of the wilderness? France and England were vying for expansion
of their respective empires, seeking commercial gain and the glory of conquest.
Added to this in the case of France was the desire to christianize the savages
of North America. The Church desired to carry words of hope, light and
salvation to her yet uninstructed children of the newly discovered continent.
She therefore insisted that her French missionaries accompany the explorers and
traders to the new land, regardless of dangers and discomforts that might
arise. These were the motives behind the establishment of the colony at
Quebec; these were the motives that prompted explorers and missionaries to
penetrate the forests and travel the treacherous waterways where lurked the
dangers of ambush and attack from the native Indians. Undaunted, the
missionaries along with the traders visited and learned to live among their
savage charges, endeavoring to bring to their hearts the flame of faith. There
in the wilderness, they adopted the ways of the savages, subsisting on their
diet, laboring at their tasks, living in their huts. No hardship was too great
if it meant winning the friendship and respect and ultimately the conversion of
the Indians. The story of the Recollet and Jesuit missionaries in Huronia is
well known to all students of history. From 1626 to 1649 the blackrobes had
baptized twenty seven hundred Hurons. Just when they were beginning to reap the
fruits of their labors, in 1649 the fierce and savage Iroquois, bitter foe of
the Hurons and the French, attacked vigorously and viciously from the south.
The Jesuit missionaries’ work of twenty three years was destroyed utterly. Some
of the missionaries were martyred and the survivors of the Huron tribe
scattered far and wide. Some went to Quebec and settled at Lorette, some
settled on the north shores of Lake Huron and Lake Michigan while still others,
after much wandering settled along the Detroit River. It is the history of this
group upon which we will concentrate in this paper.
Cadillac founded a colony at Detroit in
1701. Within the fort was the first St. Anne's Church.1 The Hurons living
to the west of the fort asked for a Jesuit Missionary, one of their beloved
blackrobes, to minister to them.2
For some time nothing seems to have been
done for them except that the Chaplain of the fort baptized some of their
children and old people as we learn from the records of St. Anne’s Church. In
1721 Father Charlevoix, S.J., visited the infant settlement and bemoaned the
absence of a missionary among the Hurons.3 Arrangements were made with
the Jesuit Superior at Quebec and in the summer of 1728 there arrived at
Detroit a Jesuit whom Governor Beauharnois at Quebec described as “a man
well-fitted to carry on the mission and to curb the proud spirit of the tribe.”4 This was Father
Armand de la Richardie, S.J. To succeed he needed all his resources of strength
and courage. He had to dwell, not in the comparative comfort of the fort, but
in the Indian village itself, less than a mile down the river. He was forced to
depend on the government to supply his
meagre needs, for
the Indians could not provide for his support. He made the heart-breaking
discovery that almost all traces of religious practice had disappeared among
his Indians, and the exhausting task of conversion had to begin again. At first
the missionary labored apparently without success, making no impression on his
Indian friends, although they accepted and respected him. At one time, he was at
the point of leaving in despair.5 The only consolation was that
he had been able to baptize some old and dying persons, as well as the babies
who did not seem likely to live. Gradually however, the Indians lost their
suspicions, and began to repay Father de la Richardie for his untiring labor
with an enthusiasm and devotion that must have warmed his heart. In 1735,
Father Nau wrote to Father Bonin from Sault St. Louis:
Not being
sufficiently informed about the Hurons, I wrote to you last year that there
were no Christians among the Hurons except those at Lorette. Indeed seven years
ago there were no others. But Father de la Richardie has managed to assemble
the scattered Hurons at Detroit and has converted them all.6
Evidently, Father
Nan was not exaggerating about the success of the mission. On June 21, 1741,
Father de la Richardie was able to address a letter to his superior-general at
Rome, Father Francis Retz, to report his success.7 In it he gave the
gratifying information that there were six hundred Christians, and the chapel
of the mission at Detrôit, which was seventy feet long, would not hold them
all. This letter was headed, ‘The Mission of the Assumption among the Hurons of
Detroit.” This is the earliest record of the title of the mission. All other
references are to the Mission of the Hurons by which name it was commonly
known. But there can be little doubt that it was dedicated to Our Lady of the
Assumption from the beginning.
However, such progress was not destined to
last long. Around one small fort at Detroit were gathered many tribes of
Indians, whose newly found common interest in trade could not dispel the
ancient feelings of hostility among them. They were not greatly influenced by
civilization in their habits, for temperamentally they were still children,
governed by the anger and jealousies of the moment. In the face of this,
dissension was bound to break out.
The immediate cause of the outbreak of
hostilities came from the Hurons. A tribe of Indians known as the Flatheads,
who lived far to the south-west of Detroit, were frequently raided by the
various tribes living near Detroit. The Hurons had often raided them for
plunder. Suddenly they recalled an old treaty with the Flatheads and announced
that they would be henceforth brothers with them. They notified the other
tribes that they would warn the Flatheads if any of the other tribes were
preparing to raid them. True to their word, they did give warning, which
resulted in the ambush and murder of some of the attackers. As a consequence
the Hurons were considered enemies by the other Indians. Bitter fighting ensued
among the tribes, and Father de la Richardie had to take refuge in the fort.
The Hurons retired into their fortification, and feared to come out. The
situation indeed was grave. One dark night the Hurons secretly withdrew to
Sandusky on the south shore of Lake Erie, thus relieving the tension.8
With the departure of the Hurons (1738)
Father de la Richardie was without a flock. The wise priest saw that to
maintain the faith in their hearts and to exercise any degree of influence or
control over them he would have to keep them together. He therefore sought
immediately to have them settled at Montreal, but the proud Hurons would not go
without an invitation lest it look like flight, and the reluctant governor
Beauharnois delayed in asking them. In the winter of 1740 Father de la
Richardie spent seven months with the Indians at Sandusky.9 Being better
acquainted with their ways and customs than anyone else he sent word to
Beauharnois that “the custom of the savages was not to go begging for
protection or refuge; that if anyone took compassion on their women and
children, it was for them to come and console them upon their mats, or even to
light a new fire for them.”10 Evidently the governor had hesitated too long
to light the new fire, with the result that the Hurons were convinced that they
were not wanted in the east.
At last, in 1742, Father de la Richardie
taking matters into his own capable hands, persuaded the Indians to settle at
Bois Blanc Island, at the outlet of the Detroit River directly opposite the
present town of Amherstburg. Meanwhile Governor Beauharnois had been converted
to the plan of bringing the Hurons to Montreal, and was furious at Father de la
Richardie’s interference. He did not soon forgive Father de la Richardie for
what he considered this highhanded measure.11
During the exile of the Hurons at Sandusky,
it is proof of the devotion that Father de la Richardie had instilled into
their hearts that they remembered and observed the feasts of the Church. The
missionary wrote that they came to Detroit on the approach of the great
festivals.12 We may well believe that of these holy days the feast of the Assumption
of the Blessed Virgin Mary occupied a position of special importance, for the
Indians would be quick to honor the patroness of their beloved mission.
This same devotion led the Indians to settle
contentedly on Bois Blanc Island under the ministrations of their much-loved
blackrobe. The mission established at Bois Blanc was quite substantial. It
consisted of a church, a priest’s house, a house for the smith, another for the
domestics, a refectory, barns, and a home for the farmer of the mission land,
Jean Baptiste Goyau, and a store or trading post.13 The mission farm
itself was sufficiently large, to maintain a settlement of this size. The
buildings, of course, were crude, but quite sturdy.
Here Father de la Richardie must have been
quite content. His flock was secure, safe from enemies, gathered together in
one place, and all had embraced the faith. His task now was not one of
conversion, but of keeping his children in the faith. In the letter of 1741 to
his superior-general, he tells how this was done.14 Three times a day
he assembled the Indians into the church, where he recited public prayers and
preached to them. On feast days he did this four times. The rest of the day he
spent visiting the sick, settling disputes, admonishing delinquents, teaching
catechism to the children, and administering the sacraments.
However, the constant work and strain of
the past few years had undermined the missionary’s health and in spite of the
comparative ease of the situation, he was obliged to ask Father St-Pé, superior
of missions, for an assistant. Beauharnois, who still rankled at the opposition
he had met from Father de la Richardie in the Montreal settlement for the
Indians, used his influence to see that the priest got, not an assistant, but a
successor. Father de la Richardie was recalled, and Father de Gonnor was
appointed in his place. However, the new missionary was a sick man, totally incapable
of assuming charge of the mission. In the summer of 1744, for reasons of his
health, he returned to Quebec, leaving Father de la Richardie still in charge.
The necessity of an assistant remained acute, and in September 1744 Father
Pierre Potier arrived at Bois Blanc.15
Father Potier was destined to spend the
rest of his life ministering to the Indians. He was a simple, studious man,
pious and devout. He seemed to the Indians rather forbidding, and he did not
immediately win their hearts. Nevertheless, his zeal and courage made the
choice of him for the Huron mission a good one; moreover he understood the
Huron language, having been in contact with the Hurons at Lorette for a year;
he even compiled a Huron dictionary, which was very valuable to other pioneers.
He also translated and copied some of the beautiful stories of Christianity
into the Huron language.16 Father Potier was a voluminous writer and
record keeper. Much valuable information for the historian can be gleaned from
that portion of his church records and letters which are available. It is a
great misfortune that his Diary which probably deals with his many years at
Bois Blanc and la Pointe de Montréal cannot be located at present.17
On his arrival, Father Potier found the
mission quite well-off. He took his place apparently as Father de la
Richardie's assistant, for he did not act as head until the latter left in
1746. In the meantime he learned the management of the mission, and became a
familiar, if not yet loved, figure in the eyes of the Indians. To them no one
could replace their venerated pastor whom they had regarded as a father for
eighteen years. They missed him greatly when he left on July 29, 1746.18
Perhaps their dissatisfaction over losing
Father de la Richardie was one of the causes of the trouble in the tribe the
following summer. More likely it was fomented by the English. We read in Father
Potier’s notes for September 9, 1747, that a man has recently come from Orange
(Albany N.Y.) with a gift for Nicholas for having fought the French. In any
case, an incident occurred in May 1747, that almost put an end to the mission.
A Huron chief, Nicholas, who had always been a black sheep in the tribe, and
had lived separately with his followers at Sandusky, put to death five Frenchmen
who it is believed were caught stealing furs. At any rate when the Indians
realized the enormity of their crime they were terrified of the possible
consequences. Feeling that no mercy would be shown them by the French, they
entered into a daring conspiracy with some other Indians, mostly Iroquois, to
seize Father Potier and the commandant of the fort, and massacre all the
Frenchmen during the feast of Pentecost. Fortunately a friendly squaw overheard
the plot and informed the missionary, who immediately relayed the information
to the commandant, de Longueuil, who at once ordered all the colonists from
their farms into the fort. Father Potier himself reach the fort one half hour
after midnight. In this way the tragedy was averted.19
However, the unrest about the fort was
still serious. The majority of the Hurons had had no part in the scheme, and
were much distressed at the rebellion of Nicholas. On August 9, they called a
council to arrive at a possible solution. They agreed that the presence of
Father de la Richardie would undoubtedly help smooth over the situation because
of the great influence he still held over the Indians. They sent a delegation
to Quebec to obtain permission for his return from the governor, and to escort
him back. The permission was readily granted, and as for the good father, he
was only too happy to come. He arrived in October, and as was foreseen his mere
presence was sufficient to calm the Indians. He had been given the power to demand
co-operation from all authorities and to use all resources of the government;
such was his influence that he had no need to ask for government support. Under
his hands, the Indians once again became quiet and submissive.
The uprising had meant the end of the
prosperous Bois Blanc mission, for in their first uncurbed fury the insurgents
had burned the buildings and laid waste the land. Since the exhausting task of
rebuilding would be necessary in any event, the commandant asked that the
mission be brought closer to the fort in order to exercise more complete
control over the Indians. Father de la Richardie, who had been empowered to
choose a new site, agreed. Accordingly, he moved the Mission to la Pointe de
Montréal, opposite Detroit on what is now the Canadian side of the river on a
tract of land six “arpents” wide just east of where Ambassador Bridge now
stands. Here a church was built, probably of logs, partly by volunteer labor.
So anxious was the government to have the question settled that they gave a
grant of five thousand livres to the church’s construction. On September 8,
1749, the feast of the Nativity of the B.V. Mary, the first mass was said in
the chapel which at that time had no floor and no ceiling. The task was
completed in the fall of 1750 and the first church of the oldest parish in
Upper Canada then stood not far from where the present beautiful church stands
today.20 The account book of the mission contains many
items relating to this undertaking.21
With the building of the mission a large
part of Father de la Richardie’s task was accomplished. There still remained
the work of completely uniting the Hurons, by bringing the malcontents of
Sandusky back with the main body of the tribe. This was much easier because
Chief Nicholas was now dead. Father de la Richardie paid a visit to Sandusky,
and such were his powers of persuasion that he soon brought about the union.
Father de la Richardie’s work was now complete, and in 1751 be was free to
return to Quebec, once again leaving behind him a well-ordered mission.22
Just about this time – 1749 – the French
began to settle on the south, or, as we know it, the Canadian side of the
river. To build up a colony, the French government promised every man who
settled at Detroit “one spade, one axe, one plough share, one large and one
small auger.” The goverment loaned money to the settlers for two years to buy
other tools; they gave each family a cow and a sow, which had to be returned
after the time of offspring. Seed was advanced for the first year. Women and
children were to be supported for one year at government expense.23 The land granted
was divided into long narrow strips, forty arpents by three arpents fronting on
the river, with a narrow road connecting them running along the very edge of the
water. The road is still there, and it is probably the oldest in Upper Canada.
A record of these early grants has been preserved in the Cicotte Book.24
By reason of these inducements, over twenty
French families had settled on the south shore of the river by the year 1752.
The number gradually increased. We are fortunate enough to have a complete description
of the settlement in 1757 from the report of one Charles Stuart, a Britisher
made captive by the Indians, who worked out his ransom by helping Father Potier
and Father Bocquet pastor of St. Anne’s in Detroit.
From Lake Erie up
to the strait that emptys Lake Huron there are no French or Indians settled on
either side till you get about 11 miles up where is one family settled on the
east Canada side; then 2 miles higher up begins the French settlements which
extend about 4 miles in length along the strait or river; their plantations are
laid out on the river 3 acres in breadth and 100 acres which seemed rather
larger than the English acres ... The French that settled in said 4 miles
amount to about 27 or 28 familys – the Wondot corn fields are higher up the
river and join on the side next the French to Captain Jarvis’s plantation ...
About 2 1/2 miles higher up than Captain Jarvis’s is the Wondot town containing
about 60 or 70 houses and at the upper end of the town towards lake Huron
stands their church, and joining to it is the priests house, garden and
plantation. About 2 miles above the Wondot town stands the Tawaw (Ottawa) town.
Between these two towns lives three French familys – there are also three
plantations in this distance belonging to three French merchants who live in
Fort de Troit –The Tawaw Town contains about 90 houses or Indian cabins but no
church for the Tawas are a heathen nation and not proselyted to the Roman
Catholic religion.25
We see that the
Indians were no longer the exclusive holders of the south shore of the river.
However, the mission apparently remained undisturbed. Father Potier gained the
confidence of the Indians, and was happy ministering to them. At first the
white settlers on the south side were not his charge but canonically belonged
to St. Anne’s parish in Detroit. However, they worshipped along side the
Indians and received the Sacraments at the mission as can be verified from the
Assumption Church records and Paschal Communion lists that have been preserved.
Until 1760 baptisms of the children were performed at both places. After that
date nearly all the baptisms and marriages of the French were performed at the
Mission.26 From these records it is evident Our Lady’s name Mary was given to more
than half the girls, both Indian and French, who were baptized at the mission.
Our Lady was certainly their personal as well as their parochial patroness.
France was waging a costly and losing war
in Europe and had no reinforcements to protect New France from English
conquests. By 1760 the French holdings in Canada were lost. By the Peace of
Paris, 1763, France ceded New France to England. The transfer of the French
holdings in the New World to the English passed with no unusual disturbance
along the Detroit River. The French settlers took the oath of allegiance to the
British King which was generally regarded as sacred. Nor did the Hurons offer
any resistance. The other Indians were not so submissive. Under the Ottawa
chief, Pontiac, the various tribes united for a common cause which was the
destruction of all the English posts and the driving of the English out of the
country. This was done in the name of the French King, not because the Indians
felt any loyalty to him or had received a mandate from him – which they had not
– but because they preferred the French policy toward the Indian to that of the
English.
Pontiac also realized that the only hope in
maintaining Indian power and preventing the decline of the race was to expel
the English, by presenting a united front. Thus by sheer force of his
personality, he united all the mutually hostile tribes, and in May, 1763, they
attacked the fort at Detroit.
It was a difficult situation for both the
French settlers and the Hurons. The French must have been somewhat in sympathy
with Pontiac, but to their everlasting credit they respected the oath of
allegiance they had taken. Indeed, some of them even smuggled provisions to the
besieged garrison in the fort. The temptation to the Indians to join Pontiac
was even stronger because of racial bonds. At this time the Huron Nation was
divided in two under two chiefs; the one joined Pontiac immediately, the other
was more Christian, and through the efforts of Father Potier, did not join the
battle.27
However Pontiac needed their help; and
three days after the fighting began, he crossed the river and threatened them
with dire penalties did they fail to fall in with the other tribes. The
faithful group of Hurons, being only sixty warriors in number, were not strong
enough to resist. They had the two alternatives – either to flee and leave the
women and children at the mercy of Pontiac, or to join in the battle. They
chose the latter course. On May 11, the feast of the Ascension, they first
heard Mass, then put on their peculiar war paint, and crossed the river to join
the other Indian forces.
They were not to remain long in battle.
Father Potier, as a last resort, threatened to deprive them of the sacraments
and a Christian burial. So great was their faith, that in spite of their fear
of Pontiac, they left the battle. Pontiac was too occupied to pursue them;
moreover Father Potier removed them from the vicinity until the danger was
over.28 This struggle came to an end in October, when
Pontiac, unable to keep his forces together, and tired of the fruitless siege,
retired to the Ohio country.
Peace once again returned to Detroit. The
white population grew, on the south side as well as around the fort. By 1765
sixty French families had settled on the south river bank. They petitioned
Father Bocquet the pastor of St. Anne’s in Detroit for a church of their own on
the south side of the river. He was not adverse to the idea. He had already
given Father Potier the faculties to minister to his parishioners across the
river; he had even surrendered their tithes to him, because as the Indians paid
nothing for his support, Father Potier had nothing on which to live.29 When the
parishioners requested it, Father Bocquet was only too willing to divide his
parish with Father Potier. He went so far as to secure a commission for so
doing from the administrator of the diocese, the See of Quebec being vacant at
that time. Father Potier at first refused to make the change for he feared the
Indians would inevitably be forced into a subordinate position if the French were
co-occupants of their church. To this saintly man, the prestige of a parish and
the prospect of financial support were as nothing compared with the spiritual
well-being of the Indians. Gladly would he care for the French out of charity,
on the condition that his Indians came first.
However as the whites came in
ever-increasing numbers, the status quo could not long continue. The
settlers rebuilt the old mission chapel, and in the face of such evident zeal,
the old priest could no longer refuse. He therefore gave his consent on the
condition that the new bishop coming to fill the See of Quebec would confirm
the arrangement. On the appeal of Father Bocquet, the bishop did so in a letter
of August 7, 1767 replying, “I consent to give Father Potier charge of all the
south side, and assign it to his care, to perform all functions and receive all
emoluments.” This parish was to be known by the same title of the Assumption.30 On the third of
October, 1767, Father Potier started to sign the baptismal register as pastor
of the Church of the Assumption of La Pointe de Montréal at Detroit. Before
this date he always signed himself “missionary of the Hurons of La Pointe de
Montréal.”
Thus the first Canadian parish west of
Montreal came into being. When virtually all the rest of Upper Canada was a
wilderness the Church had here established a permanent position under the
patronage of Our Lady of the Assumption. Our Lady caused the parish to flourish
as she had cared for the mission. As the white settlers increased and the
Indians dwindled, it became evident that Father Potier’s hesitant decision
proved beneficial.
At first all was not serene between pastor
and flock. There arose difficulties, both financial and disciplinary. Some of
the settlers were poor or else perverse and did not pay their pastoral dues;
some did not give the Indians good example on the matter of drink;31 some were inclined
to be obstinate when the priest attempted to enforce Church laws. The Bishop of
Quebec wrote in 1773 reproaching them for their conduct: “We learn with sorrow
that many of you are not obedient to the voice of the pastor whom the Lord has
preserved to you, not faithful in paying the tithes and offerings commanded by
the Church for the support of her ministers, of which even the natural law will
teach you the obligation, if you will but listen to it.’
This spirit of independence may have been
typical of frontier society.
There is evidence
that the people across the river were no different. Father Bocquet, pastor of
St. Anne’s, writing to Bishop Briand about the same
time says: “For the
kind of people I am dealing with, one needs to have a head of iron.
Nevertheless I must in justice say that I have a good number of true Catholics
who are my consolation.” Very likely Father Potier could have written in some
similar fashion about his own flock. These true Catholics were those who were
eager to have a parish of their own in 1765, and who later on when Father
Potier died, urged the Bishop not to leave them long without a pastor.
The Bishop of Quebec wrote in 1773 that if
it would do any good he would visit Detroit.32 What an occasion
that would have been for the Indians and the French. However the first
episcopal visit had to wait until after the turn of the century. Bishop Briand
was old and infirm and he asked his Vicar-General Fr. Jean François Hubert, to
visit the area on his way back from a journey to the Illinois missions in 1778.
This visit did not immediately affect the parish, but it did affect Fr. Hubert.
He felt a strong attraction to this parish so recently wrested from the
wilderness.
Fr. Potier does not appear to have
benefited financially from this visitation. In 1780 he was obliged to sell the
land that the Indians had given him “as a mark of their affection and
gratitude.”33 In any event he was not destined to complete any more projects. On July
16, 1781 he was found dead in front of his fireplace with his skull fractured.
The account of his burial in the church
register reads as follows:
On the eighteenth
of July seventeen hundred and eighty-one was buried in the sanctuary of the
church of this parish on the gospel side the body of Rev. Fr. Pierre Potier,
Jesuit Missionary for about 37 years, who at the age of seventy three years and
three months, died on the sixteenth of this month, according to the certificate
of Mr. Anthony, surgeon, from a fall on an andiron (chenêt). The said burial
was made by Fr. Simple, Recollet Missionary, in the presence of a large number
of parishioners.34
He was the last of
the Jesuit missionaries in this locality for during his pastorate the Society
of Jesus had been suppressed by the Holy See. He had devoted his whole life to
the service of God in the mission field; for thirty-seven years he had cared
for the Hurons, fourteen of these years as pastor of a dual parish. His long,
unremitting and solitary labors have written his name in glory. The long
history of this parish has nothing brighter on its record than the deeds of
this Christian hero who, repudiating the joys of this world, burned with a
desire of sacrificing himself for the glory of God. His remains now lie under
the sanctuary of the present Church of the Assumption.
When Fr. Hubert heard of Fr. Potier’s death
he remembered his attraction for the parish, and applied for the vacant
position, which the bishop granted him. This new pastor was well received by
the parishioners. He was hearty and friendly, and with these simple people his
goodhumoured firmness proved more effective than had the simple piety and
quiet manner of his predecessor. He converted the people to a sense of duty and
responsibility to their church. He saw to it that pastoral dues were paid and
manners improved. He was a man of action. He immediately perceived and made
plans to remedy the needs of the parish. He saw the need of a new church and
presbytery. Being a former Superior of the Seminary of Quebec he was greatly
interested in founding a school for which he was going to bring the Sisters of
the Congregation of Notre Dame of Montreal. Because the parish now owned no
land, he asked the Indians for another grant which they gladly gave.
Accordingly in 1782 a tract of land six arpents by forty immediately west of
the earlier grant was donated to Fr. Hubert and the Sisters of the
Congregation. He immediately began to build, generously contributing 12,642
livres and 10 sols out of his own pocket.35
His interests were not only in the material
and intellectual improvement of the parish but also the spiritual. In the
archives of the church there is the original document of a special favour he
obtained from Pope Pius VI. A plenary indulgence was to be gained at the parish
of the Assumption twice a year, under the usual conditions, on the Friday after
the Octave of Corpus Christi and on the feast of the Assumption.
However a man of such ability was needed in
higher places. In 1785 he left to become Coadjutor Bishop of Quebec. His loss
was deeply felt in the parish, and one cannot but feel that, whatever the zeal
of the succeeding priests, they were not able to accomplish as much as Fr.
Hubert would have done.
The new church had been started, but the
other projects had to be abandoned. The school was not built, and the sisters
declined to come, giving their interest in the land to the church. Of this
parish land one half was sold to pay for the church and the other half was
retained as a farm to support the church and the priest. Part of this land now
is occupied by Assumption College.
Fr. Hubert was succeeded in 1785 by Father
Frechette who stayed only one year. His successor, Fr. Dufaux pushed ahead the
work on the church. On August 9, 1787 he was able to dedicate it.
In the Wardens’ account book of Assumption
Church we learn the position of the Indians in the new church. We quote from
the minutes of a meeting:
After the mature
deliberation of a numerous assembly composed of the most notable inhabitants of
the parish of the Assumption of Detroit, and of the principal Huron chiefs
assembled together to proceed to the affairs of their “fabrique,” we certify
that it has been decided that a portion of the church would be employed by the
Huron Nation.
That is to say,
to speak more clearly, that from the back of the Church, starting from the
middle of the nave, up to the second window inclusive, positively no one will
have a right in the said portion of the church except the said Indians,
recognized as Christians, and legitimate possessors of the section in
question, for having manifested their zeal and their contribution in the
expenses and building of the said church in so far as was in their power.
In consideration
of the glory of God, for the good of the peace and concord which must unite the
faithful, we have delivered the present act to serve the needs and satisfaction
of the interested parties.
However it is to
be noted that if the said Indians wish to distinguish their chiefs and other
persons of note among their nation, they will be obliged to have made
themselves and at their own expense: seats, benches and other conveniences
provided that they conform to the laws and customs established by the constitutions
of our Holy Mother the Church.
Made and passed
Sept. 9, 1787 in the presbytery house in the presence of M. Dufaux, Missionary
priest undersigned and of several others, as it appears hereinafter.36
Fr. Dufaux was also
intent on opening a school. On Bishop Hubert’s instructions in the summer of
1786 he brought in two French ladies from Quebec to start it. There were only
thirteen pupils-eight boarders and five day students.37 A small house was
transported near the presbytery where the two teachers lived with their eight
boarders. The large room of the “habitants” served as a classroom. Fr. Dufaux
paid all the expenses of the house. For their salary the teachers kept all the
revenue which was as follows: three boarders who pay two pounds a month; three
others who will pay what they can; the other two say that God will keep their
account. In August, 1788 Fr. Dufaux regretfully informed the Bishop that the
prospect for next year indicated there would be only eight or ten pupils and no
likelihood of an increase. In spite of the fact that the people realized the
desirability of an education, they were too poor to properly clothe their
children, much less to maintain a school.38 However the school
was continued at Fr. Dufaux’s expense. In 1790 there were only seven or eight
pupils. But in 1792 there were twelve boarders and five or six day students.
That spring Fr. Dufaux was making plans for improving the facilities of the
school. Such are the humble beginnings of the first school in Assumption
parish.
Fr. Dufaux’s death in 1796 marks the end of
the era when Assumption was a struggling parish. When Fr. Marchand arrived at
Christmas time of the same year, he reported to the Bishop that he found the
church and sacristy in very good order and decently supplied with everything.39 Among the
furnishings that he found was a very handsome pulpit – the work of a French
sculptor named Frerot. This link with the past has been retained. It now graces
the present Church of the Assumption.
1796 also marks another change on the
shores of the Detroit River. In July of that year the Americans took over the
Fort of Detroit from the British. Assumption and St. Anne’s once so closely
associated, were now under different flags. St. Anne’s parish automatically
became part of the diocese of Baltimore. Today the close relations of old are
somewhat reestablished by two ties – one material and the other spiritual –
the steel link of the Ambassador Bridge uniting the two territories, and the
spiritual bond of the Basilian Fathers serving the two parishes at either end.
By the end of the century, the Indians,
Mary’s first children in this locality, had moved down the river to the
Anderdon reservation or to various sites along the American shore. But, just as
sixty years earlier, during their exile in Sandusky they had returned to the
Mission of the Assumption near the fort in order to celebrate the great feasts
of the Church, so too now they came back each year on August 15th, to celebrate
on the church grounds the feast of their Patroness, Mary of the Assumption.
Such is the story of the Huron mission that, during the second half of the eighteenth century, developed into a flourishing parish – the first parish in the territory now known as the Province of Ontario. Our Blessed Mother from her throne in heaven watched over it, rewarding her devoted children for the love they gave her. May we always continue to love her, and may she always watch over us.
1George Paré, The
Catholic Church in Detroit 1701-1888 (Detroit: Gabriel Richard Press,
1951), pp. 141-161.
2“The Cadillac
Papers,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXIII (1904),
161. In future references this work will be designated as the Mich. Hist.
Colls.
3Pierre F. X.
Charlevoix, S.J., Journal of a Voyage, trans. Louise Phelps Kellogg
(Chicago, 1923), II, 6-13. Father Charlevoix visited New France in 1720-21. His
writings relating to New France were first published in 1744 at Paris.
4Mich. Hist. Colls., XXXIV, 63.
5Reuben Golden
Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland:
Burrows, 1896-1901), LXIX, 51-52.
6Camille de
Rochemonteix, S.J., Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France au XV111 Siècle (Paris, 1895),
II, 51.
7Thwaites, Jesuit
Relations..., LXIX, 51-53.
8“The Cadillac
Papers,” Mich. Hist. Colls., XXXIII, 153. The account of this Indian
quarrel in this, present paper follows closely the story as given to us in the
cited documents. On this point see also Paré, op. cit., p. 169.
9Mich. Hist. Colls., XXXIV, 182.
10Ibid., 192.
11Ibid., 212.
12Ibid., 173.
13Thwaites, Jesuit
Relations..., LXIX, 24.
14Ibid., 61-63.
15Rochemonteix, Les Jésuites..., 11, 59-60.
16Ibid., 53-54.
17George Paré,
“Pierre Potier, S.J.,” The Canadian Catholic Historical Association, XVIII (1951),
53-54. See also John B. O’Reilly, Two Jesuits at Sandwich, Canadian
Messenger of the Sacred Heart, Nov. 1952, p. 715 f.
18[Note – in the
original version, this is footnote “17a.” Subsequent notes in this
online version are consequently one digit higher than in the original.] Fr.
Potier's Gazette, St. Mary’s College, Montreal.
19Rochemonteix, Les Jésuites..., II, 61 ff.
20Thwaites, Jesuit
Relations..., LXX, 49.
21This account book
is in the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library.
22Rochemonteix, Les Jésuites..., II, 63-64.
23Silas Farmer, The
History of Detroit and Michigan (Detroit, 1889), p. 333.
24This book, a record
of grants made to the settlers during the years 1749. 1751, is part of the Burton
Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library.
25“Captivity of
Charles Stuart,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XIII, No. 1.
26Archives of
Assumption Church, Registry of Baptisms, 1760-1767.
27‘Pontiac
Manuscript,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, VIII, 266.
28Ibid.. 292-294
29This information
is drawn from the letters of Fr. Bocquet, seventeen in number, in the Archives
of the Chancery in Quebec, E.U., V. 11. For reference purposes all succeeding
material obtained from this source will be designated by the letters QCA.
30Ibid., E. de Q., 1-117.
31Letter of Fr.
Potier to the Bishop of Quebec, September 6, 1768. QCA, E.U., V. 15.
32Letter of Bishop
Briand to Fr. Bocquet, 1773. QCA, E. de Q., 1773.
33J. C. Plomer, Letters
of Rev. J. B. Marchand (Detroit, 1927). Unfortunately this work never
progressed beyond the introduction, due to the untimely death of Father Plomer,
and this introduction is in the main a scholarly detail of the development of
the parish.
34Archives of
Assumption Church.
35Archives of
Assumption Church, Parish Account Book entry for August 17, 1783.
36Ibid., Entry for
September 9, 1787.
37QCA, E.U., V. 47.
38Ibid., V. 57-59.
39Ibid., V. 132.